Judecătorii 11
1 Iefta, Galaaditul, era un om viteaz. El era fiul unei curve. Galaad născuse pe Iefta.
2 Nevasta lui Galaad i-a născut fii, cari, făcându-se mari, au izgonit pe Iefta, şi i-au zis: ,,Tu nu vei avea moştenire în casa tatălui nostru, căci eşti fiul unei alte femei.``
3 Şi Iefta a fugit de la fraţii lui, şi a locuit în ţara Tob. Nişte oameni fără căpătâi s-au strâns la Iefta, şi făceau plimbări cu el.
4 După câtva timp, fiii lui Amon au pornit cu război împotriva lui Israel.
5 Şi pe când fiii lui Amon făceau război cu Israel, bătrânii Galaadului s-au dus să caute pe Iefta din ţara Tob.
6 Ei au zis lui Iefta: ,,Vino de fii căpetenia noastră, şi să batem pe fiii lui Amon.``
7 Iefta a răspuns bătrânilor Galaadului: ,,Nu m-aţi urât voi, şi nu m-aţi izgonit voi din casa tatălui meu? Pentruce veniţi la mine acum când sânteţi în strâmtorare?``
8 Bătrânii Galaadului au zis lui Iefta: ,,Ne întoarcem la tine acum, ca să mergi cu noi, să baţi pe fiii lui Amon, şi să fii căpetenia noastră, căpetenia tuturor locuitorilor Galaadului.``
9 Iefta a răspuns bătrânilor Galaadului: ,,Dacă mă aduceţi înapoi ca să bat pe fiii lui Amon, şi dacă Domnul îi va da înaintea mea, voi fi eu oare căpetenia voastră?``
10 Bătrânii Galaadului au zis lui Iefta: ,,Domnul să ne audă, şi să judece, dacă nu vom face ce spui.``
11 Şi Iefta a pornit cu bătrânii Galaadului. Poporul l-a pus în fruntea lui, şi l-a aşezat căpetenie, şi Iefta a spus din nou înaintea Domnului, la Miţpa, toate cuvintele pe cari le rostise.
12 Iefta a trimes soli împăratului fiilor lui Amon, ca să-i spună: ,,Ce ai cu mine de vii împotriva mea să faci război împotriva ţării mele?``
13 Împăratul fiilor lui Amon a răspuns solilor lui Iefta: ,,Pentrucă Israel, când s-a suit din Egipt, a pus mâna pe ţara mea, dela Arnon până la Iaboc şi Iordan. Dă-mi-o înapoi acum de bună voie.``
14 Iefta a trimes iarăş soli împăratului fiilor lui Amon,
15 ca să-i spună: ,,Aşa vorbeşte Iefta. ,Israel n-a pus mâna pe ţara Moabului, nici pe ţara fiilor lui Amon.
16 Căci, când s-a suit Israel din Egipt, a mers în pustie până la marea Roşie şi a ajuns la Cades.
17 Atunci Israel a trimes soli împăratului Edomului, ca să-i spună: ,Lasă-mă să trec prin ţara ta.` Dar împăratul Edomului n-a voit. A trimes şi la împăratul Moabului, şi nici el n-a vrut. Şi Israel a rămas la Cades.
18 Apoi a mers prin pustie, a ocolit ţara Edomului şi ţara Moabului, şi a venit la răsăritul ţării Moabului; au tăbărât dincolo de Arnon, fără să intre pe ţinutul Moabului, căci Arnonul era hotarul Moabului.
19 Israel a trimes soli lui Sihon, împăratul Amoriţilor, împăratul Hesbonului. Şi Israel i-a zis: ,Lasă-mă să trec prin ţara ta până la locul spre care mergem.`
20 Dar Sihon n-a avut încredere în Israel, ca să-l lase să treacă pe ţinutul lui; şi-a strâns tot poporul, a tăbărât la Iahat, şi a luptat împotriva lui Israel.
21 Domnul, Dumnezeul lui Israel, a dat pe Sihon şi pe tot poporul lui în mânile lui Israel, care i-a bătut. Israel a pus mâna pe toată ţara Amoriţilor, cari erau aşezaţi în ţara aceasta.
22 Au pus mâna pe tot ţinutul Amoriţilor, dela Arnon până la Iaboc, şi dela pustie până la Iordan.
23 Şi acum, când Domnul, Dumnezeul lui Israel, a izgonit pe Amoriţi dinaintea poporului Său Israel, tu să le stăpâneşti ţara?
24 Oare ce-ţi dă în stăpânire dumnezeul tău Chemoş, nu vei stăpâni? Şi tot ce ne-a dat în stăpânire Domnul, Dumnezeul nostru, înaintea noastră, noi să nu stăpânim!
25 Eşti tu mai bun decât Balac, fiul lui Ţipor, împăratul Moabului? S-a certat el cu Israel sau a făcut el război împotriva lui?
26 Iată că sânt trei sute de ani de când locuieşte Israel la Hesbon şi în satele din jurul lui, la Aroer şi în satele din jurul lui şi în toate cetăţile cari sânt pe malul Arnonului: pentruce nu i le-aţi luat în tot timpul acesta?
27 Eu nu te-am supărat deloc, şi rău te-ai purtat cu mine, făcându-mi război. Domnul să judece lucrul acesta. El să fie astăzi judecător între fiii lui Israel şi fiii lui Amon.``
28 Împăratul fiilor lui Amon n-a ascultat cuvintele pe cari a trimes Iefta să i le spună.
29 Duhul Domnului a venit peste Iefta. Iefta a străbătut Galaadul şi Manase; a trecut la Miţpe în Galaad; şi din Miţpe din Galaad, a pornit împotriva fiilor lui Amon.
30 Iefta a făcut o juruinţă Domnului, şi a zis: ,,Dacă vei da în mânile mele pe fiii lui Amon,
31 ori cine va ieşi pe porţile casei mele înaintea mea, la întoarcerea mea fericită dela fiii lui Amon, va fi închinat Domnului, şi-l voi aduce ca ardere de tot.``
32 Iefta a pornit împotriva fiilor lui Amon, şi Domnul i-a dat în mânile lui.
33 Le-a pricinuit o foarte mare înfrângere, dela Aroer până spre Minit, loc care cuprindea douăzeci de cetăţi, şi până la Abel-Cheramim. Şi fiii lui Amon au fost smeriţi înaintea copiilor lui Israel.
34 Iefta s-a întors acasă la Miţpa. Şi iată că fiică-sa i-a ieşit înainte cu timpane şi jocuri. Ea era singurul lui copil; n-avea fii şi nici altă fată.
35 Cum a văzut-o, el şi-a rupt hainele, şi a zis:: ,,Ah! fata mea! adânc mă loveşti şi mă turburi! Am făcut o juruinţă Domnului, şi n-o pot întoarce.``
36 Ea i-a zis: ,,Tată, ai făcut o juruinţă Domnului, fă-mi potrivit cu ceeace ţi-a ieşit din gură, acum când Domnul te-a răzbunat pe vrăjmaşii tăi, pe fiii lui Amon.``
37 Şi ea a zis tatălui său: ,,Atât îngăduie-mi: lasă-mă slobodă două luni, ca să mă duc să mă pogor în munţi, şi să-mi plâng fecioria cu tovarăşele mele.``
38 El a răspuns: ,,Du-te!`` Şi a lăsat-o slobodă două luni. Ea s-a dus cu tovarăşele ei, şi şi-a plâns fecioria pe munţi.
39 După cele două luni, s-a întors la tatăl ei, şi el a împlinit cu ea juruinţa pe care o făcuse. Ea nu cunoscuse împreunarea cu bărbat. De atunci s-a făcut în Israel obiceiul
40 că, în toţi anii, fetele lui Israel se duc să prăznuiască pe fiica lui Iefta, Galaaditul, patru zile pe an.
{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":1357,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ammonites Ammon","title_en":"Ammonites Ammon","content_ro":"<h3>AMMON, AMMONITES<\/h3>\n<p>A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the Ammonites and Israelites. The name occurred frequently in the ancient Near East from the middle of the second millennium on. One form was found in Assyrian inscriptions; other forms are seen in Ugaritic texts of the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, in the Mari texts, in the Amarna tablets, and in the Alalakh tablets.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites originated in the southern Transjordan region about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though these people were of mixed ancestry, the languages they spoke were closely related to Hebrew. Ammonite was written in the old Canaanite-Phoenician script, which could probably be read and understood by Israelites. Ammonites intermarried with Hebrews (1 Kgs 14:21, 31; 2 Chr 12:13), and their personal names reflected early Arabic influences.<\/p>\n<p>In language, ethnic background, and physical characteristics the Ammonites were difficult to distinguish from Amorites and were probably closely related. Both may have entered the land at about the same time, for when Joshua led the Israelites into Canaan, both the Ammonite kingdom and the Amorite kingdom of Heshbon were already well established.<\/p>\n<p>The OT states that the territory of Ammon was once occupied by a race of giants called Rephaim or Zamzummim, about whom almost nothing is known (Dt 2:20-21; “Zuzim,” Gn 14:5). The Genesis Apocryphon found among the Dead Sea Scrolls mentions them as one of the people defeated by the alliance of four kings (Gn 14:1, 5). The expedition of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam (Gn 14), broke the power of those giants and probably made the occupation of the land by Esau, Ammon, and Moab much easier. King Og was “of the remnant of the Rephaim” known to the Ammonites (Dt 3:11). His bed was evidently an object of veneration because of its unusual size.<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites arrived at Kadesh, they encountered the well-organized kingdom of Edom but were refused permission to pass through Edomite territory (Nm 20:14-21). They journeyed northward to Ammonite country, which was then occupied by the Amorite king Sihon. He also refused them permission to pass through his land, but the Israelites defeated him in battle and occupied his country (Nm 21:21-24). They were instructed by God through Moses not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Dt 2:19, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Continuing northward, the Israelites defeated King Og of Bashan (Dt 3:1-11), then went down to the Jordan Valley, where they camped on the plains of Moab. There Balak, king of Moab, hired a soothsayer, Balaam, to pronounce a curse on the Israelites, but Balaam pronounced a blessing each time instead (Nm 22–24). For supporting the Moabites in their actions, the Ammonites were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Dt 23:3; Neh 13:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite tribes of Gad and Reuben and the half-tribe of Manasseh were attracted to the fertile Transjordan region that had belonged to the Amorites and Bashan and decided to settle there on the Ammonite frontier (Nm 32; Dt 3:16; Jos 13:8-32). Subsequently they built an altar at the Jordan River, which the other tribes at first interpreted as an act of rebellion in that they appeared to be establishing a rival place of worship (Jos 22:10-34).<\/p>\n<p>Before the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the Ammonites evidently had not attained the same level of political organization and settled life as the neighboring Moabites and Edomites. Even as late as the seventh century <span>BC<\/span> the nation was essentially nomadic. Shortly after Israel settled in Canaan, the Ammonites allied with the Moabites and Amalekites when King Eglon of Moab tried to regain former Moabite territory at the north end of the Dead Sea (Jgs 3:12-13).<\/p>\n<p>By the end of the 12th century <span>BC<\/span> the Israelites, then securely established in the land of Canaan, angered God by their worship of the deities of the Syrians, Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Philistines (Jgs 10:6). The Ammonites, in their first recorded political expansion, launched an attack against Israel and were able to establish themselves in Gilead (Jgs 10:7-8). They then crossed the Jordan and attacked the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim (Jgs 10:9). In desperation the elders of Gilead turned for help to Jephthah, a social outcast but an able military leader (Jgs 11:1-11). He defeated the Ammonites so decisively that it was unnecessary for him to wage further campaigns against Ammonite settlements west of the Jordan (Jgs 11:12-33).<\/p>\n<p>Near the end of the 11th century an Ammonite king named Nahash came to power, determined to reestablish Ammonite dominion over Israelite settlements in Transjordan. He launched an aggressive military campaign around 1020 <span>BC<\/span> that took him as far north as Jabesh-gilead. The inhabitants of the town were willing to surrender to him but delayed their surrender to appeal for help from Saul, the recently consecrated Israelite king. Saul quickly organized an army and decisively defeated the Ammonites (1 Sm 11:1-11). The victory ensured freedom from Ammonite domination in the Jordan Valley for several centuries, although later in his reign Saul was forced to fight further battles with the enemies of Israel, including Ammonites (1 Sm 14:47-48).<\/p>\n<p>When David became king, he took silver and gold from the Ammonites, Philistines, and Amalekites, either as spoils or as tribute (2 Sm 8:11-12; 1 Chr 18:11). Soon thereafter, David sent Joab at the head of a strong army to devastate the Ammonite countryside and besiege the capital city of Rabbah (2 Sm 11:1; 1 Chr 20:2). The siege lasted many months, but Joab weakened the city and David then completed its capture (2 Sm 12:26-29). In a ceremony of capitulation the Ammonite king’s massive golden crown was placed on David’s head (2 Sm 12:30; 1 Chr 20:1). The conquered city was plundered, and its inhabitants were enslaved. Other Ammonite cities were taken, and the nation was added to the growing number of vassal states of Israel (2 Sm 12:31; 1 Chr 20:3). David appointed a governor over the Ammonites from the Ammonite royal family. Shobi, another son of Nahash (and therefore Hanun’s brother), became ruler of the Ammonites and aided David during his flight from Absalom’s rebellion (2 Sm 17:27). One of David’s best warriors was an Ammonite (2 Sm 23:37).<\/p>\n<p>Ammonite relations with Israel remained generally peaceful during the reign of Solomon, David’s successor, with the Ammonites undoubtedly sharing in the prosperity and wealth of that period. After the death of Solomon, the kingdom split apart under Rehoboam and was further weakened by a campaign of Shishak, king of Egypt, that swept through Palestine and also through Ammonite territory. Taking advantage of the situation, the Ammonites declared their independence from Israel and Judah. The Ammonites joined the Moabites and Meunites to make war against King Jehoshaphat of Judah (reigning 871–848 <span>BC<\/span>). In fear, Jehoshaphat sought help from God in prayer (2 Chr 20:1-12). The Ammonites and their allies began fighting among themselves and destroyed each other, leaving behind great spoils for Jehoshaphat and his people—which took three days to be carried away (2 Chr 20:22-25). Eventually the Ammonites recovered, so that by the end of the seventh century <span>BC<\/span>, Ammon had again become completely independent and was the dominant state of south Transjordan. Ammonite independence was short, however, for in 599 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the Babylonian Chronicle, Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar led his troops into Syria and began raiding southern Palestine. In 593 <span>BC<\/span>, the Ammonites met in Jerusalem with King Zedekiah of Judah and representatives from Edom, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon in a conspiracy to rebel against Babylon (Jer 27:1-3). The prophet Jeremiah warned them that God would cause their plan to fail (Jer 27:4-22). Nebuchadnezzar sent an army to crush the rebellion and attacked Jerusalem, which he destroyed after a lengthy and bitter siege (586 <span>BC<\/span>), deporting many Jews to Babylonia. Ammon was not immediately invaded, however, and many Judeans sought refuge there (Jer 40:11), including a man named Ishmael (Jer 40:13-16). Ishmael plotted with Baalis, king of Ammon, to assassinate Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadnezzar had appointed governor over Judea, now reduced to a province of Babylonia. After carrying out the assassination, Ishmael escaped to Ammon (Jer 41:1-15). Nebuchadnezzar then sent troops that sacked Rabbah and took captive many of the Ammonites. Though the city was not destroyed, the destruction of the countryside was thorough. In the third century <span>BC<\/span>, Arab invaders poured in and destroyed the remaining organized political structure, thus marking the end of Ammon as a semi-independent state.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AMMON, AMMONITES<\/h3>\n<p>A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the Ammonites and Israelites. The name occurred frequently in the ancient Near East from the middle of the second millennium on. One form was found in Assyrian inscriptions; other forms are seen in Ugaritic texts of the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, in the Mari texts, in the Amarna tablets, and in the Alalakh tablets.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites originated in the southern Transjordan region about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though these people were of mixed ancestry, the languages they spoke were closely related to Hebrew. Ammonite was written in the old Canaanite-Phoenician script, which could probably be read and understood by Israelites. Ammonites intermarried with Hebrews (1 Kgs 14:21, 31; 2 Chr 12:13), and their personal names reflected early Arabic influences.<\/p>\n<p>In language, ethnic background, and physical characteristics the Ammonites were difficult to distinguish from Amorites and were probably closely related. Both may have entered the land at about the same time, for when Joshua led the Israelites into Canaan, both the Ammonite kingdom and the Amorite kingdom of Heshbon were already well established.<\/p>\n<p>The OT states that the territory of Ammon was once occupied by a race of giants called Rephaim or Zamzummim, about whom almost nothing is known (Dt 2:20-21; “Zuzim,” Gn 14:5). The Genesis Apocryphon found among the Dead Sea Scrolls mentions them as one of the people defeated by the alliance of four kings (Gn 14:1, 5). The expedition of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam (Gn 14), broke the power of those giants and probably made the occupation of the land by Esau, Ammon, and Moab much easier. King Og was “of the remnant of the Rephaim” known to the Ammonites (Dt 3:11). His bed was evidently an object of veneration because of its unusual size.<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites arrived at Kadesh, they encountered the well-organized kingdom of Edom but were refused permission to pass through Edomite territory (Nm 20:14-21). They journeyed northward to Ammonite country, which was then occupied by the Amorite king Sihon. He also refused them permission to pass through his land, but the Israelites defeated him in battle and occupied his country (Nm 21:21-24). They were instructed by God through Moses not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Dt 2:19, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Continuing northward, the Israelites defeated King Og of Bashan (Dt 3:1-11), then went down to the Jordan Valley, where they camped on the plains of Moab. There Balak, king of Moab, hired a soothsayer, Balaam, to pronounce a curse on the Israelites, but Balaam pronounced a blessing each time instead (Nm 22–24). For supporting the Moabites in their actions, the Ammonites were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Dt 23:3; Neh 13:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite tribes of Gad and Reuben and the half-tribe of Manasseh were attracted to the fertile Transjordan region that had belonged to the Amorites and Bashan and decided to settle there on the Ammonite frontier (Nm 32; Dt 3:16; Jos 13:8-32). Subsequently they built an altar at the Jordan River, which the other tribes at first interpreted as an act of rebellion in that they appeared to be establishing a rival place of worship (Jos 22:10-34).<\/p>\n<p>Before the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the Ammonites evidently had not attained the same level of political organization and settled life as the neighboring Moabites and Edomites. Even as late as the seventh century <span>BC<\/span> the nation was essentially nomadic. Shortly after Israel settled in Canaan, the Ammonites allied with the Moabites and Amalekites when King Eglon of Moab tried to regain former Moabite territory at the north end of the Dead Sea (Jgs 3:12-13).<\/p>\n<p>By the end of the 12th century <span>BC<\/span> the Israelites, then securely established in the land of Canaan, angered God by their worship of the deities of the Syrians, Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Philistines (Jgs 10:6). The Ammonites, in their first recorded political expansion, launched an attack against Israel and were able to establish themselves in Gilead (Jgs 10:7-8). They then crossed the Jordan and attacked the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim (Jgs 10:9). In desperation the elders of Gilead turned for help to Jephthah, a social outcast but an able military leader (Jgs 11:1-11). He defeated the Ammonites so decisively that it was unnecessary for him to wage further campaigns against Ammonite settlements west of the Jordan (Jgs 11:12-33).<\/p>\n<p>Near the end of the 11th century an Ammonite king named Nahash came to power, determined to reestablish Ammonite dominion over Israelite settlements in Transjordan. He launched an aggressive military campaign around 1020 <span>BC<\/span> that took him as far north as Jabesh-gilead. The inhabitants of the town were willing to surrender to him but delayed their surrender to appeal for help from Saul, the recently consecrated Israelite king. Saul quickly organized an army and decisively defeated the Ammonites (1 Sm 11:1-11). The victory ensured freedom from Ammonite domination in the Jordan Valley for several centuries, although later in his reign Saul was forced to fight further battles with the enemies of Israel, including Ammonites (1 Sm 14:47-48).<\/p>\n<p>When David became king, he took silver and gold from the Ammonites, Philistines, and Amalekites, either as spoils or as tribute (2 Sm 8:11-12; 1 Chr 18:11). Soon thereafter, David sent Joab at the head of a strong army to devastate the Ammonite countryside and besiege the capital city of Rabbah (2 Sm 11:1; 1 Chr 20:2). The siege lasted many months, but Joab weakened the city and David then completed its capture (2 Sm 12:26-29). In a ceremony of capitulation the Ammonite king’s massive golden crown was placed on David’s head (2 Sm 12:30; 1 Chr 20:1). The conquered city was plundered, and its inhabitants were enslaved. Other Ammonite cities were taken, and the nation was added to the growing number of vassal states of Israel (2 Sm 12:31; 1 Chr 20:3). David appointed a governor over the Ammonites from the Ammonite royal family. Shobi, another son of Nahash (and therefore Hanun’s brother), became ruler of the Ammonites and aided David during his flight from Absalom’s rebellion (2 Sm 17:27). One of David’s best warriors was an Ammonite (2 Sm 23:37).<\/p>\n<p>Ammonite relations with Israel remained generally peaceful during the reign of Solomon, David’s successor, with the Ammonites undoubtedly sharing in the prosperity and wealth of that period. After the death of Solomon, the kingdom split apart under Rehoboam and was further weakened by a campaign of Shishak, king of Egypt, that swept through Palestine and also through Ammonite territory. Taking advantage of the situation, the Ammonites declared their independence from Israel and Judah. The Ammonites joined the Moabites and Meunites to make war against King Jehoshaphat of Judah (reigning 871–848 <span>BC<\/span>). In fear, Jehoshaphat sought help from God in prayer (2 Chr 20:1-12). The Ammonites and their allies began fighting among themselves and destroyed each other, leaving behind great spoils for Jehoshaphat and his people—which took three days to be carried away (2 Chr 20:22-25). Eventually the Ammonites recovered, so that by the end of the seventh century <span>BC<\/span>, Ammon had again become completely independent and was the dominant state of south Transjordan. Ammonite independence was short, however, for in 599 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the Babylonian Chronicle, Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar led his troops into Syria and began raiding southern Palestine. In 593 <span>BC<\/span>, the Ammonites met in Jerusalem with King Zedekiah of Judah and representatives from Edom, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon in a conspiracy to rebel against Babylon (Jer 27:1-3). The prophet Jeremiah warned them that God would cause their plan to fail (Jer 27:4-22). Nebuchadnezzar sent an army to crush the rebellion and attacked Jerusalem, which he destroyed after a lengthy and bitter siege (586 <span>BC<\/span>), deporting many Jews to Babylonia. Ammon was not immediately invaded, however, and many Judeans sought refuge there (Jer 40:11), including a man named Ishmael (Jer 40:13-16). Ishmael plotted with Baalis, king of Ammon, to assassinate Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadnezzar had appointed governor over Judea, now reduced to a province of Babylonia. After carrying out the assassination, Ishmael escaped to Ammon (Jer 41:1-15). Nebuchadnezzar then sent troops that sacked Rabbah and took captive many of the Ammonites. Though the city was not destroyed, the destruction of the countryside was thorough. In the third century <span>BC<\/span>, Arab invaders poured in and destroyed the remaining organized political structure, thus marking the end of Ammon as a semi-independent state.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AMMON, AMMONITES A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan. The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the ...","summary_en":"AMMON, AMMONITES A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan. The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":5131,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Birthright","title_en":"Birthright","content_ro":"<h3>BIRTHRIGHT<\/h3>\n<p>Right or privilege belonging to the firstborn son in a Hebrew family. The eldest son ranked highest after the father and in the father’s absence had the father’s authority and responsibility, as illustrated by Reuben’s relationship to his younger brothers (Gn 37:19-22, 28-30). However, because he later committed incest, Reuben forfeited his birthright (Gn 49:1-4). Next in line were Simeon, Levi, and Judah (Gn 29:31-35), but Jacob, their father, passed over Simeon and Levi because of their lack of character (Gn 49:5-7). Although he praised Judah (Gn 49:8-10), Jacob gave the birthright to his favorite son, Joseph (Gn 49:22-26; 1 Chr 5:1-2; cf. Gn 37:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Tablets recovered from Nuzi in Mesopotamia have shown that the birthright could be exchanged among members of the same family (cf. Gn 25:19-34). The holder of the birthright appears to have been in possession of the “teraphim,” or household idols (31:19, 32, 34), which were small terra-cotta images, presumably of the particular deity worshiped locally. These tokens would reinforce the position and authority of the firstborn.<\/p>\n<p>The birthright meant not only the honor of family leadership but also an inheritance of twice the amount received by every other son. In polygamous Israelite society the birthright belonged to the actual firstborn of the father and could not be transferred to the son of a favorite wife without just cause (Dt 21:15-17). However, the birthright did not belong to the firstborn son if his mother was a concubine or slave (Gn 21:9-13; Jgs 11:1-2). The rights of the firstborn son of a king included the right of succession to the throne (2 Chr 21:1-3). When King Rehoboam of Judah violated custom by making his favorite son, Abijah, his successor, he had to pay off his other sons to avoid trouble (11:18-23; 12:16).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, reference is made to the OT account of Esau, the son of the patriarch Isaac, who impulsively traded his birthright for a bowl of lentil stew (Heb 12:16-17; cf. Gn 25:19-34). Christians are warned not to throw away their inheritance of spiritual blessing from God the way Esau lost his birthright and his father’s blessing (Gn 27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Inheritance; Heir; Firstborn.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BIRTHRIGHT<\/h3>\n<p>Right or privilege belonging to the firstborn son in a Hebrew family. The eldest son ranked highest after the father and in the father’s absence had the father’s authority and responsibility, as illustrated by Reuben’s relationship to his younger brothers (Gn 37:19-22, 28-30). However, because he later committed incest, Reuben forfeited his birthright (Gn 49:1-4). Next in line were Simeon, Levi, and Judah (Gn 29:31-35), but Jacob, their father, passed over Simeon and Levi because of their lack of character (Gn 49:5-7). Although he praised Judah (Gn 49:8-10), Jacob gave the birthright to his favorite son, Joseph (Gn 49:22-26; 1 Chr 5:1-2; cf. Gn 37:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Tablets recovered from Nuzi in Mesopotamia have shown that the birthright could be exchanged among members of the same family (cf. Gn 25:19-34). The holder of the birthright appears to have been in possession of the “teraphim,” or household idols (31:19, 32, 34), which were small terra-cotta images, presumably of the particular deity worshiped locally. These tokens would reinforce the position and authority of the firstborn.<\/p>\n<p>The birthright meant not only the honor of family leadership but also an inheritance of twice the amount received by every other son. In polygamous Israelite society the birthright belonged to the actual firstborn of the father and could not be transferred to the son of a favorite wife without just cause (Dt 21:15-17). However, the birthright did not belong to the firstborn son if his mother was a concubine or slave (Gn 21:9-13; Jgs 11:1-2). The rights of the firstborn son of a king included the right of succession to the throne (2 Chr 21:1-3). When King Rehoboam of Judah violated custom by making his favorite son, Abijah, his successor, he had to pay off his other sons to avoid trouble (11:18-23; 12:16).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, reference is made to the OT account of Esau, the son of the patriarch Isaac, who impulsively traded his birthright for a bowl of lentil stew (Heb 12:16-17; cf. Gn 25:19-34). Christians are warned not to throw away their inheritance of spiritual blessing from God the way Esau lost his birthright and his father’s blessing (Gn 27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Inheritance; Heir; Firstborn.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BIRTHRIGHT Right or privilege belonging to the firstborn son in a Hebrew family. The eldest son ranked highest after the father and in the father’s absence had the father’s authority and responsibility, as illustrated by Reuben’s relationship to his younger brothers (Gn 37:19-22, 28-30). However, because he later committed incest, Reuben forfeited his birthright (Gn 49:1-4). Next in line were Simeon, Levi, and Judah (Gn 29:31-35), but Jacob, their father, passed over Simeon and Levi because o...","summary_en":"BIRTHRIGHT Right or privilege belonging to the firstborn son in a Hebrew family. The eldest son ranked highest after the father and in the father’s absence had the father’s authority and responsibility, as illustrated by Reuben’s relationship to his younger brothers (Gn 37:19-22, 28-30). However, because he later committed incest, Reuben forfeited his birthright (Gn 49:1-4). Next in line were Simeon, Levi, and Judah (Gn 29:31-35), but Jacob, their father, passed over Simeon and Levi because o...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":11980,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Family Life and Relations","title_en":"Family Life and Relations","content_ro":"<h3>FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS<\/h3>\n<p>In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refer to setting up a separate dwelling as well as establishing a family. In the broader sense, “house” may refer to an entire nation (“house of Israel”). The heads of families returning from Babylon in the postexilic period controlled sometimes several hundred family members (Ezr 8:1-14). The family was a smaller part of a clan and tribe. In nomadic times the responsibilities and allegiances centered on the larger family group.<\/p>\n<p>Those who belonged to the clan knew that they had to work for common interests and accept responsibility for the whole group. All members of the family were to be protected and assisted in time of need.<\/p>\n<p>As the life of the Israelites became more settled, families (in the wider sense of the term) lived in villages surrounded by fields of wheat, barley, and flax, with areas of grazing land for sheep and goats. Each group of villages consisted of an intermarried, interdependent family group, such as that of the Danites of Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 18:11). The hard life of those days demanded a sharing of work and the loyal cooperation of the entire family for survival.<\/p>\n<p>As crafts and trades developed, along with a more sedentary lifestyle, sons learned their fathers’ skills and continued the family trade. Consequently, the whole village might follow a particular craft (1 Chr 4:14; Neh 11:35). By specializing in such trades, however, the villagers became less self-sufficient, depending more on farmers for food and on other specialized villages for the production of cloth or pottery (1 Chr 4:21-23).<\/p>\n<p>With the growth of cities, related groups lived together in specific areas. Many members of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah were listed in the census of Jerusalem by Nehemiah (Neh 11:4-8), and by the writer of Chronicles (1 Chr 9:3-9). One consequence of life in the cities was the fragmentation of the family group. As the bonds of the wider family were loosened, the unit consisted increasingly of a husband and wife with their children, living in one house. The size of houses that have been excavated precludes the idea of any larger family unit as the norm in OT societies.<\/p>\n<p>During the kingdom period, King David’s sons Amnon and Absalom set up their own separate houses (2 Sm 13:7-8, 20). At that time there were few slaves in Hebrew society, but they also were considered members of the family. As bonds of the wider family loosened, and the master of the household lost a degree of authority, the society became one in which the king was sovereign and all the people were his subjects.<\/p>\n<p>The early kings of Israel promoted such a change in order to establish a central ruling authority for the entire country. The king’s subjects fell broadly into the categories of employers and employees, corresponding to the rich and poor of society. By the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, members of the wider family no longer worked for the communal good under the authority of the clan’s head; rather, individuals worked primarily for the good of their own immediate family. Hence one’s labor and devotion were focused more narrowly, and the greatest beneficiary was the king, the personal symbol of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>Emphasis on the smaller family unit increased, and old duties that had been willingly accepted by the wider groups in former times came to be neglected. People did not always help relatives in times of need, and they frequently had to be reminded of their obligations, particularly toward widows and orphans (Is 1:17; Jer 7:6). Family feuds also declined because members no longer felt responsible to take vengeance as a way to uphold the honor of the clan (2 Sm 3:27; 16:8; 2 Kgs 9:26). Nevertheless, Nehemiah expected Israelites to fight for their family honor (Neh 4:14). In NT times, the family was such a unit that it could be sold for a debt incurred by one of its members (Mt 18:25).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew religion’s emphasis on family participation in certain celebrations strengthened the small unit. The Passover, for example, was always celebrated as a family thanksgiving meal (Ex 12:3-4, 46). The prophet Samuel’s parents made a traditional annual pilgrimage to the shrine at Shiloh (1 Sm 2:19). In modern times, a young Jewish boy’s arrival at the threshold of manhood is celebrated with the Bar Mitzvah ceremony. Being so honored in the midst of a religious family preserves the ancient Hebrew tradition of family participation in religious ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p>In his preaching Jesus used the family as a symbol for the relationship of God to his people (Mt 19:14; 23:9; Lk 8:21). From the cross he handed over responsibility for the care of his mother to his disciple John (Jn 19:27).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times, the communion meals in the Jerusalem church took place by households (Acts 2:46). Early Christian meetings were held in the homes of believers because of opposition by the authorities. The book of Acts contains examples of entire families being converted to Christianity (Acts 10:24, 44-48; 16:15, 31-32). Timothy learned the gospel from his grandmother and mother (2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>• Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>• Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>• The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>• Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>• In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"StatusofFamilyMembers\">Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>From nomadic times, a father’s authority held the family group together in their encampment, and he became the symbol of their security. In ancient patriarchal societies, the father was an absolute master who had the power of life and death over family members, ruling with unchallenged authority. Although he had extensive responsibilities for those under his care, his power was awesome and his status unquestioned.<\/p>\n<p>A man’s possessions included his wife, servants, slaves, and animals (Ex 20:17; Dt 5:21). In fact, the phrase “to marry a wife” comes from a Hebrew root meaning “to become the master of a wife.” A husband was as much the master of his wife as he was of his home or his fields. Consequently, the wife addressed him in a subservient manner, as a slave would address a master (Gn 18:12; Jgs 19:26). This low status for a woman extended to a daughter’s position in the ancient household. Females were always under the authority of a male relative: first, the father; then a husband. If a woman became a widow, she was subject to her husband’s nearest male relative, who became her “redeemer.” The bride price (Gn 29:18, 27; Ex 22:16-17; 1 Sm 18:25; 2 Sm 3:14) paid by her husband was not exactly a purchase of the woman from her father, but the exchange of money did stigmatize her. The amount of a bride price depended on the father’s status (Gn 34:12). The usual price was probably 20 to 30 shekels of silver. The bride received gifts of jewelry, ornaments, and clothing from her future husband, and she occasionally enjoyed some sort of financial or material return from the bride price for her own use (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15). When her father or husband died, the money frequently reverted to her.<\/p>\n<p>An engaged woman was considered her fiancé’s property just as much as if she were already married to him (Dt 22:23-27). The woman left her own family at marriage, to live with and become part of her new husband’s family. Normally, any succeeding marriages would be with members of that family.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the low legal status of the mother of the family, her life was not as bad as one might suppose. She was the legal wife, not an unpaid servant, and she frequently took a strong role as adviser to her husband in family affairs. Her most important function, aside from childbearing, was organization of the household, of which she was generally the respected manager. Even though the wife might have been acquired through capture in war (Dt 21:10-14), she could not be sold as a slave or daughter could (Ex 21:7; Neh 5:5).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, her position was precarious, in that she could be disowned or divorced by her husband as the result of a simple renunciation: “She is no longer my wife, and I am no longer her husband.” Perhaps he had found fault with her culinary skills, or possibly he was casting his eyes on another woman. In any event, a husband knew that if his wife did not obey even a signal or a glance, he was within his rights to obtain a divorce (cf. Ecclus 25:26). The wife, however, obtained a certain degree of protection in the letter of repudiation, by which her freedom was formally restored. Under Jewish tradition, a wife could not divorce her husband.<\/p>\n<p>In matters of domestic protocol, the Hebrew wife was not introduced to her husband’s guests, a tradition that subsequently led to considerable embarrassment for Abraham’s wife, Sarah, and for Rebekah (Gn 20:16). A woman normally remained veiled in public (24:65; 38:14; Is 47:2).<\/p>\n<p>The imagery in Proverbs 19:13 and 27:15 draws a vigorous comparison between a contentious woman and water dripping from a leaky roof. The OT leaves little doubt about the type of behavior expected from a woman. She was expected to be charming, soft-spoken, discreet, and calm (Prv 9:13; 11:16, 22; 21:9). She was also to be responsible, well-organized, intelligent, thoughtful, reverent, and a good manager of both the household and the family purse (31:10-31). A woman should also be pious and beautiful, and in NT tradition, submissive to her husband, as befitted a woman adorned with the priceless jewel of a gentle and quiet spirit (Ti 2:4-5; 1 Pt 3:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>The actions of a few women whose roles in life do not seem to fit the pattern of the meek, passive female pictured above, are recorded in the Bible and the Apocrypha. The books of Judith and Esther recount heroic tales of how national fortunes were saved by women. Deborah and Jael were renowned heroines (Jgs 4–5), and the kingdom of Judah was ruled by a vicious woman, Athaliah, for several years (2 Kgs 11). The women who stepped to the forefront of public life were exceptional and few in number. Judith was a rich widow, an unusual thing in Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MaritalSecurity\">Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>The security of a wife’s position improved considerably when she produced her first child, particularly if it was a son. A woman’s primary duty to her husband and his family was procreation (Gn 1:28; 9:1), and until she gave birth to a son, she feared displacement by a second wife or a concubine. Polygamous marriages were by no means rare, especially in wealthy families. They resulted in two ill-defined family groups, controlled by the mothers but under the overall authority of fathers; there were inevitable jealousies and frictions.<\/p>\n<p>The legal status of a woman was consistently poor in Bible times. With no evidence at all, a husband could accuse his wife of adultery, and she was compelled to face a trial by ordeal. She had to abase herself by taking an oath, eating dust and a cereal offering, and drinking bitter water. A priest, meanwhile, made pronouncements regarding the dire results that would come to her if she were guilty: she would become an outcast with no hope of survival. But if she maintained her serenity, and if her thigh did not rot nor her abdomen swell, she was considered to have “proved” her innocence. In such an event she would go free, and her husband bore no blame whatsoever for his false accusation (Nm 5:12-31).<\/p>\n<p>If a woman took a vow, it was legal only as long as her father or husband approved it. If she became a widow, the vow still remained in force and could be used against her (Nm 30:3-15).<\/p>\n<p>A woman in Israel was always under the protection of a male, be it her father, grandfather, great-grandfather, brother, husband, or some other member of her husband’s family. She had few legal rights and, in contrast to Babylonian traditions, could not inherit at her husband’s death. It is small wonder that widows were classed with orphans and the poor. A childless widow could on occasion return to her father’s family (Gn 38:11; Lv 22:13; Ru 1:8), thus becoming subject again to the authority of her father. A Hebrew widow could also remain with her late husband’s family. She would then come under the protection of her “redeemer,” a male relative of her husband’s family who assumed responsibility for her. If a husband died leaving a woman childless, it was the responsibility of the husband’s brother to marry her. The first son born of such a union was then regarded as the heir of the first husband.<\/p>\n<p>It was normal for a brother to accept the obligation for such a marriage (levirate). It could be refused on various grounds, but such refusal was considered dishonorable, for it was a man’s duty to perpetuate his brother’s name and to safeguard the family fortune.<\/p>\n<p>A redeemer’s responsibilities were considerable. In addition to the marriage, he was perhaps involved in avenging the family reputation, and he had to ensure that family property increased and remained within family control.<\/p>\n<p>If an Israelite fell into debt and was forced to sell himself into slavery, he would normally be “redeemed” by one of his relatives (Lv 25:47-49). If in his penury an Israelite had to sell his land or his house, the redeemer had the right of first refusal over all other prospective purchasers. It was as much his duty as his right to prevent family property from passing into the hands of strangers (v 25). The prophet Jeremiah bought his cousin Hanamel’s field under similar circumstances (Jer 32:6-15).<\/p>\n<p>The most familiar OT story of a childless widow, her “redeemer,” and their levirate marriage is recorded in the book of Ruth. One of Naomi’s two sons married Ruth. When Ruth was widowed, her impoverished mother-in-law, Naomi, left her home in Moab and returned to Bethlehem to sell some of the family property. Although a close relative was prepared to buy the land and keep it in the family, he was not ready to marry Ruth as well (Ru 3:12; 4:4). He knew that a son of that union would be deemed a son of the deceased, bearing the dead husband’s name, and thus ultimately inheriting the land (4:4-6). The next relative in order of kinship was Boaz, who became Ruth’s “redeemer.” He was prepared to accept the double obligation of purchasing the land and marrying Ruth (4:9-10).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PositionofChildren\">Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>Children were generally well loved, but their childhood was short and they were often regarded as laborers for the house or fields. According to the law of primogeniture, the eldest son received a double portion of the estate as his birthright (Dt 21:17). Thus, he was assured of the position of family head. Even during his father’s lifetime, the eldest son took precedence over his brothers and sisters (Gn 43:33). Where twins were born, the first to emerge from the womb was considered the elder, with all the attendant privileges (25:24-26; 38:27-30).<\/p>\n<p>For a serious offense, the eldest son could lose the right of primogeniture (Gn 35:22; 49:3-4; 1 Chr 5:1), or it could be surrendered voluntarily, as Esau did by selling his birthright to his brother Jacob (Gn 25:29-34). There was a law protecting the eldest son from his father’s favoritism for a younger brother (Dt 21:15-17). Nevertheless, King David gave his kingdom to Solomon, his youngest son (1 Kgs 2:15).<\/p>\n<p>In a family with no sons, a daughter could inherit property (Nm 27:8). Frequently, parents consulted neither sons nor daughters when marriage partners were arranged for them. Marriage was often an alliance or contract between two families, and thus the wishes and concerns of individuals were considered unimportant. Love matches were few, although occasionally a son would marry in defiance of his parents, as Esau did (Gn 26:34-35). Although it was rare for young people to express their feelings and preferences about marriage in an open fashion, Saul’s daughter, Michal, made known her love for David (1 Sm 18:20).<\/p>\n<p>There is no record of legal adoption among the Hebrews, but it was practiced from ancient times in Mesopotamia. It was especially useful as a means of ensuring a childless couple that their land would be tilled and that they would be cared for in their old age. All examples of adoption mentioned in the OT took place outside the land of Israel (Ex 2:10; 1 Kgs 11:20; Est 2:7, 15) and are not examples of true adoption as a lifetime member of a family.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRightsofChildren\">The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>The nature of patriarchal society made for unfortunate distinctions between male and female children. The position of a daughter, who could be sold into slavery or sold to be the concubine of a man and then possibly sold again (Ex 21:7-11), was certainly inferior to that of a son. In the patriarchal period, however, both a son and a daughter could be put to death for disobeying the head of the family. One’s children could also be sacrificed in worship rituals (see Gn 22; Jgs 11). It is probable that infant sacrifice was practiced by nations neighboring Israel, including Canaan and Ammon.<\/p>\n<p>The rights of children were improved considerably with the promulgation of the code of Mosaic law. A father was no longer permitted to put his child to death without referring the case to the elders (Dt 21:18-21). Both sons and daughters could be brought before such authorities and accused of being disobedient, gluttonous, or drunkards. A father’s absolute authority even extended to his married son and family if they were living under his roof. The law also prohibited children from being held responsible for the crimes of their parents (Dt 24:16). In King David’s time a person convicted by the community had the right of appeal to the king (2 Sm 14:4-11).<\/p>\n<p>In Hebrew families both parents were held in high respect. Honor had to be given to both mother and father (Ex 20:12), and the law condemned offenses against either parent (21:17; Lv 20:9; Dt 21:18; 27:16). Respect due to the mother is a recurrent theme in the Wisdom Literature (Prv 19:26; 20:20; cf. Ecclus 3:1-16).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DailyLifeoftheHebrewFamily\">Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>In the everyday affairs of a Hebrew household, it was the father’s responsibility to maintain the family fortune and to be the provider. He might work in the fields, most probably with crops of flax, barley, or wheat. Or he would work at a trade, possibly as a weaver, builder, potter, dyer, fuller, or a worker in copper or bronze. If he lived near the shore, he might be a fisherman.<\/p>\n<p>The father was also responsible for the religious well-being of the family. It was his duty to take over his sons’ education from the mother at an early age, teaching them the tenets of Hebrew religion (Ex 10:2; 12:26; Dt 4:9; 6:7). He also explained all the facets of the law and the interwoven history of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>The father was the disciplinarian of the family, with the rod being used to drive home the lessons taught (Prv 13:24; 22:15; 29:15-17). Though children were loved and valued, they were not pampered (Ecclus 30:9-12). In postexilic times education also took place within the precincts of the synagogue, and shortly before the time of Christ, a general elementary education was introduced. It was also imperative that a father teach his sons a trade, normally his own, for a man without a trade either starved or became a thief. Another important paternal responsibility was to provide wives for male offspring in the household.<\/p>\n<p>The mother was responsible for her sons’ and daughters’ early education (Prv 1:8; 6:20), teaching them religious songs and prayers as soon as they could talk. A father took over the education of his sons, but the mother continued with the daughters, training them to spin, weave, cook, clean, trim the lamps, and generally to become competent in all the household duties (31:13-31).<\/p>\n<p>With little furniture, keeping a house clean meant sweeping the floors to keep them free from dust and dirt. Cooking was at once simple and difficult. It was simple in that much of the food was cooked in the form of a soup or stew, or else made into a cake and cooked on a griddle. It was difficult in that the corn had to be ground by hand and bread was baked daily.<\/p>\n<p>A mother was expected to take wool, card it, spin it, and often weave and make clothes for her family. In addition, she would help her husband in the fields at harvesttime. Because many families had one or more olive trees, a few grapevines, and fig trees, the mother would also assist in picking the fruit. She would sometimes work at the press when the olives or grapes were being processed. Frequently the treading of grapes in the family vat would be done together by husband and wife. Drawing water from the well was considered a menial task and was generally the wife’s responsibility, although sometimes it was assigned to the children (Gn 24:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>As in all societies, there was a time when children laughed and played together (Zec 8:5; Mt 11:16), although childhood and adolescence were not recognized as specific stages of development. Children were considered as sucklings if under three, but were regarded as boys or girls when they were able to take care of themselves. A small child sat on his mother’s lap and was played with (Is 66:12). There is no evidence of organized sports for children. Toys, including whistles, rattles, dolls, and miniature cooking utensils, have been excavated at Palestinian sites.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as a boy was old enough, he took his place in the family and accepted his appointed task. Among other things, children were expected to gather fuel (Jer 7:18). Young boys and girls tended the flocks. The sheep had to be protected from marauding wild beasts, guarded against their own folly when they wandered near crevices, steered toward good pasture and water, and carried home when sick or injured (Gn 29:6; Ex 2:16). The care of cattle was also the responsibility of children (1 Sm 16:11). Of necessity, boys were trained in the various arts of war.<\/p>\n<p>Children sometimes joined their fathers in the fields, and their presence was always welcome. From earliest times, boys in particular would watch their fathers until they too picked up a tool or implement to try their skill; girls watched and learned from their mothers. Young children frequently listened to the talk of the elders at the city gates or in the villages. A visit to a sanctuary at festival time was a family affair, furnishing an ideal learning experience. As a child, Jesus accompanied his parents, Mary and Joseph, to the temple in Jerusalem (Lk 2:42-47).<\/p>\n<p>Young girls were surprisingly free to go about their appointed tasks. They were not secluded or veiled and could visit uninhibited with friends and neighbors (Gn 34:1). They were also able to converse with men without embarrassment (24:15-25; 29:11-12; 1 Sm 9:11-13).<\/p>\n<p>Mealtimes were strictly family times. It is doubtful whether a meal comparable to a breakfast was eaten, and a farmer would probably have a light lunch in the fields. The main meal of the day was prepared by the mother, and it would be eaten in the early evening. Although the variety of food available was limited, its preparation was time-consuming.<\/p>\n<p>Feast times were periods of great religious significance and were also the days when family members participated in the symbolic rituals of their faith. Among the Israelites several kinds of food were fundamental to their religious ritual. Family unity and the national religion were molded together by special meals in the home.<\/p>\n<p>Daylight played an important part in the daily habits of the people in antiquity. Although oil lamps were readily available in later periods, it was customary to rise with the sun and go to bed relatively soon after dark. The wife would probably be up before sunrise and might continue her labor after dark.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InNewTestamentTimes\">In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>By NT times, for those who followed the Greek and Roman style, life became more elegant. Despite that, the status of many family members did not change substantially. Wealthier families had more slaves, and the children were more likely to have formal education, sometimes spending less effort on family chores. Even in Roman times, however, the father still had a legal right to accept or reject his child.<\/p>\n<p>The status of the woman had definitely improved by the NT period. A Roman matron was highly respected and exerted a strong influence over her husband. She was not sequestered in a particular section of the house, as a Greek woman was, but managed and supervised tasks in any part of her home. She helped her husband in business, had her own place in theaters, games, and religious festivals, and sometimes managed her own property. Palestinian women began to enjoy a new status and dignity as the result of Jesus’ attitude toward women and its influence on the early Christian church.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Education; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Widow; Woman.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS<\/h3>\n<p>In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refer to setting up a separate dwelling as well as establishing a family. In the broader sense, “house” may refer to an entire nation (“house of Israel”). The heads of families returning from Babylon in the postexilic period controlled sometimes several hundred family members (Ezr 8:1-14). The family was a smaller part of a clan and tribe. In nomadic times the responsibilities and allegiances centered on the larger family group.<\/p>\n<p>Those who belonged to the clan knew that they had to work for common interests and accept responsibility for the whole group. All members of the family were to be protected and assisted in time of need.<\/p>\n<p>As the life of the Israelites became more settled, families (in the wider sense of the term) lived in villages surrounded by fields of wheat, barley, and flax, with areas of grazing land for sheep and goats. Each group of villages consisted of an intermarried, interdependent family group, such as that of the Danites of Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 18:11). The hard life of those days demanded a sharing of work and the loyal cooperation of the entire family for survival.<\/p>\n<p>As crafts and trades developed, along with a more sedentary lifestyle, sons learned their fathers’ skills and continued the family trade. Consequently, the whole village might follow a particular craft (1 Chr 4:14; Neh 11:35). By specializing in such trades, however, the villagers became less self-sufficient, depending more on farmers for food and on other specialized villages for the production of cloth or pottery (1 Chr 4:21-23).<\/p>\n<p>With the growth of cities, related groups lived together in specific areas. Many members of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah were listed in the census of Jerusalem by Nehemiah (Neh 11:4-8), and by the writer of Chronicles (1 Chr 9:3-9). One consequence of life in the cities was the fragmentation of the family group. As the bonds of the wider family were loosened, the unit consisted increasingly of a husband and wife with their children, living in one house. The size of houses that have been excavated precludes the idea of any larger family unit as the norm in OT societies.<\/p>\n<p>During the kingdom period, King David’s sons Amnon and Absalom set up their own separate houses (2 Sm 13:7-8, 20). At that time there were few slaves in Hebrew society, but they also were considered members of the family. As bonds of the wider family loosened, and the master of the household lost a degree of authority, the society became one in which the king was sovereign and all the people were his subjects.<\/p>\n<p>The early kings of Israel promoted such a change in order to establish a central ruling authority for the entire country. The king’s subjects fell broadly into the categories of employers and employees, corresponding to the rich and poor of society. By the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, members of the wider family no longer worked for the communal good under the authority of the clan’s head; rather, individuals worked primarily for the good of their own immediate family. Hence one’s labor and devotion were focused more narrowly, and the greatest beneficiary was the king, the personal symbol of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>Emphasis on the smaller family unit increased, and old duties that had been willingly accepted by the wider groups in former times came to be neglected. People did not always help relatives in times of need, and they frequently had to be reminded of their obligations, particularly toward widows and orphans (Is 1:17; Jer 7:6). Family feuds also declined because members no longer felt responsible to take vengeance as a way to uphold the honor of the clan (2 Sm 3:27; 16:8; 2 Kgs 9:26). Nevertheless, Nehemiah expected Israelites to fight for their family honor (Neh 4:14). In NT times, the family was such a unit that it could be sold for a debt incurred by one of its members (Mt 18:25).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew religion’s emphasis on family participation in certain celebrations strengthened the small unit. The Passover, for example, was always celebrated as a family thanksgiving meal (Ex 12:3-4, 46). The prophet Samuel’s parents made a traditional annual pilgrimage to the shrine at Shiloh (1 Sm 2:19). In modern times, a young Jewish boy’s arrival at the threshold of manhood is celebrated with the Bar Mitzvah ceremony. Being so honored in the midst of a religious family preserves the ancient Hebrew tradition of family participation in religious ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p>In his preaching Jesus used the family as a symbol for the relationship of God to his people (Mt 19:14; 23:9; Lk 8:21). From the cross he handed over responsibility for the care of his mother to his disciple John (Jn 19:27).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times, the communion meals in the Jerusalem church took place by households (Acts 2:46). Early Christian meetings were held in the homes of believers because of opposition by the authorities. The book of Acts contains examples of entire families being converted to Christianity (Acts 10:24, 44-48; 16:15, 31-32). Timothy learned the gospel from his grandmother and mother (2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>• Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>• Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>• The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>• Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>• In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"StatusofFamilyMembers\">Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>From nomadic times, a father’s authority held the family group together in their encampment, and he became the symbol of their security. In ancient patriarchal societies, the father was an absolute master who had the power of life and death over family members, ruling with unchallenged authority. Although he had extensive responsibilities for those under his care, his power was awesome and his status unquestioned.<\/p>\n<p>A man’s possessions included his wife, servants, slaves, and animals (Ex 20:17; Dt 5:21). In fact, the phrase “to marry a wife” comes from a Hebrew root meaning “to become the master of a wife.” A husband was as much the master of his wife as he was of his home or his fields. Consequently, the wife addressed him in a subservient manner, as a slave would address a master (Gn 18:12; Jgs 19:26). This low status for a woman extended to a daughter’s position in the ancient household. Females were always under the authority of a male relative: first, the father; then a husband. If a woman became a widow, she was subject to her husband’s nearest male relative, who became her “redeemer.” The bride price (Gn 29:18, 27; Ex 22:16-17; 1 Sm 18:25; 2 Sm 3:14) paid by her husband was not exactly a purchase of the woman from her father, but the exchange of money did stigmatize her. The amount of a bride price depended on the father’s status (Gn 34:12). The usual price was probably 20 to 30 shekels of silver. The bride received gifts of jewelry, ornaments, and clothing from her future husband, and she occasionally enjoyed some sort of financial or material return from the bride price for her own use (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15). When her father or husband died, the money frequently reverted to her.<\/p>\n<p>An engaged woman was considered her fiancé’s property just as much as if she were already married to him (Dt 22:23-27). The woman left her own family at marriage, to live with and become part of her new husband’s family. Normally, any succeeding marriages would be with members of that family.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the low legal status of the mother of the family, her life was not as bad as one might suppose. She was the legal wife, not an unpaid servant, and she frequently took a strong role as adviser to her husband in family affairs. Her most important function, aside from childbearing, was organization of the household, of which she was generally the respected manager. Even though the wife might have been acquired through capture in war (Dt 21:10-14), she could not be sold as a slave or daughter could (Ex 21:7; Neh 5:5).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, her position was precarious, in that she could be disowned or divorced by her husband as the result of a simple renunciation: “She is no longer my wife, and I am no longer her husband.” Perhaps he had found fault with her culinary skills, or possibly he was casting his eyes on another woman. In any event, a husband knew that if his wife did not obey even a signal or a glance, he was within his rights to obtain a divorce (cf. Ecclus 25:26). The wife, however, obtained a certain degree of protection in the letter of repudiation, by which her freedom was formally restored. Under Jewish tradition, a wife could not divorce her husband.<\/p>\n<p>In matters of domestic protocol, the Hebrew wife was not introduced to her husband’s guests, a tradition that subsequently led to considerable embarrassment for Abraham’s wife, Sarah, and for Rebekah (Gn 20:16). A woman normally remained veiled in public (24:65; 38:14; Is 47:2).<\/p>\n<p>The imagery in Proverbs 19:13 and 27:15 draws a vigorous comparison between a contentious woman and water dripping from a leaky roof. The OT leaves little doubt about the type of behavior expected from a woman. She was expected to be charming, soft-spoken, discreet, and calm (Prv 9:13; 11:16, 22; 21:9). She was also to be responsible, well-organized, intelligent, thoughtful, reverent, and a good manager of both the household and the family purse (31:10-31). A woman should also be pious and beautiful, and in NT tradition, submissive to her husband, as befitted a woman adorned with the priceless jewel of a gentle and quiet spirit (Ti 2:4-5; 1 Pt 3:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>The actions of a few women whose roles in life do not seem to fit the pattern of the meek, passive female pictured above, are recorded in the Bible and the Apocrypha. The books of Judith and Esther recount heroic tales of how national fortunes were saved by women. Deborah and Jael were renowned heroines (Jgs 4–5), and the kingdom of Judah was ruled by a vicious woman, Athaliah, for several years (2 Kgs 11). The women who stepped to the forefront of public life were exceptional and few in number. Judith was a rich widow, an unusual thing in Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MaritalSecurity\">Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>The security of a wife’s position improved considerably when she produced her first child, particularly if it was a son. A woman’s primary duty to her husband and his family was procreation (Gn 1:28; 9:1), and until she gave birth to a son, she feared displacement by a second wife or a concubine. Polygamous marriages were by no means rare, especially in wealthy families. They resulted in two ill-defined family groups, controlled by the mothers but under the overall authority of fathers; there were inevitable jealousies and frictions.<\/p>\n<p>The legal status of a woman was consistently poor in Bible times. With no evidence at all, a husband could accuse his wife of adultery, and she was compelled to face a trial by ordeal. She had to abase herself by taking an oath, eating dust and a cereal offering, and drinking bitter water. A priest, meanwhile, made pronouncements regarding the dire results that would come to her if she were guilty: she would become an outcast with no hope of survival. But if she maintained her serenity, and if her thigh did not rot nor her abdomen swell, she was considered to have “proved” her innocence. In such an event she would go free, and her husband bore no blame whatsoever for his false accusation (Nm 5:12-31).<\/p>\n<p>If a woman took a vow, it was legal only as long as her father or husband approved it. If she became a widow, the vow still remained in force and could be used against her (Nm 30:3-15).<\/p>\n<p>A woman in Israel was always under the protection of a male, be it her father, grandfather, great-grandfather, brother, husband, or some other member of her husband’s family. She had few legal rights and, in contrast to Babylonian traditions, could not inherit at her husband’s death. It is small wonder that widows were classed with orphans and the poor. A childless widow could on occasion return to her father’s family (Gn 38:11; Lv 22:13; Ru 1:8), thus becoming subject again to the authority of her father. A Hebrew widow could also remain with her late husband’s family. She would then come under the protection of her “redeemer,” a male relative of her husband’s family who assumed responsibility for her. If a husband died leaving a woman childless, it was the responsibility of the husband’s brother to marry her. The first son born of such a union was then regarded as the heir of the first husband.<\/p>\n<p>It was normal for a brother to accept the obligation for such a marriage (levirate). It could be refused on various grounds, but such refusal was considered dishonorable, for it was a man’s duty to perpetuate his brother’s name and to safeguard the family fortune.<\/p>\n<p>A redeemer’s responsibilities were considerable. In addition to the marriage, he was perhaps involved in avenging the family reputation, and he had to ensure that family property increased and remained within family control.<\/p>\n<p>If an Israelite fell into debt and was forced to sell himself into slavery, he would normally be “redeemed” by one of his relatives (Lv 25:47-49). If in his penury an Israelite had to sell his land or his house, the redeemer had the right of first refusal over all other prospective purchasers. It was as much his duty as his right to prevent family property from passing into the hands of strangers (v 25). The prophet Jeremiah bought his cousin Hanamel’s field under similar circumstances (Jer 32:6-15).<\/p>\n<p>The most familiar OT story of a childless widow, her “redeemer,” and their levirate marriage is recorded in the book of Ruth. One of Naomi’s two sons married Ruth. When Ruth was widowed, her impoverished mother-in-law, Naomi, left her home in Moab and returned to Bethlehem to sell some of the family property. Although a close relative was prepared to buy the land and keep it in the family, he was not ready to marry Ruth as well (Ru 3:12; 4:4). He knew that a son of that union would be deemed a son of the deceased, bearing the dead husband’s name, and thus ultimately inheriting the land (4:4-6). The next relative in order of kinship was Boaz, who became Ruth’s “redeemer.” He was prepared to accept the double obligation of purchasing the land and marrying Ruth (4:9-10).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PositionofChildren\">Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>Children were generally well loved, but their childhood was short and they were often regarded as laborers for the house or fields. According to the law of primogeniture, the eldest son received a double portion of the estate as his birthright (Dt 21:17). Thus, he was assured of the position of family head. Even during his father’s lifetime, the eldest son took precedence over his brothers and sisters (Gn 43:33). Where twins were born, the first to emerge from the womb was considered the elder, with all the attendant privileges (25:24-26; 38:27-30).<\/p>\n<p>For a serious offense, the eldest son could lose the right of primogeniture (Gn 35:22; 49:3-4; 1 Chr 5:1), or it could be surrendered voluntarily, as Esau did by selling his birthright to his brother Jacob (Gn 25:29-34). There was a law protecting the eldest son from his father’s favoritism for a younger brother (Dt 21:15-17). Nevertheless, King David gave his kingdom to Solomon, his youngest son (1 Kgs 2:15).<\/p>\n<p>In a family with no sons, a daughter could inherit property (Nm 27:8). Frequently, parents consulted neither sons nor daughters when marriage partners were arranged for them. Marriage was often an alliance or contract between two families, and thus the wishes and concerns of individuals were considered unimportant. Love matches were few, although occasionally a son would marry in defiance of his parents, as Esau did (Gn 26:34-35). Although it was rare for young people to express their feelings and preferences about marriage in an open fashion, Saul’s daughter, Michal, made known her love for David (1 Sm 18:20).<\/p>\n<p>There is no record of legal adoption among the Hebrews, but it was practiced from ancient times in Mesopotamia. It was especially useful as a means of ensuring a childless couple that their land would be tilled and that they would be cared for in their old age. All examples of adoption mentioned in the OT took place outside the land of Israel (Ex 2:10; 1 Kgs 11:20; Est 2:7, 15) and are not examples of true adoption as a lifetime member of a family.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRightsofChildren\">The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>The nature of patriarchal society made for unfortunate distinctions between male and female children. The position of a daughter, who could be sold into slavery or sold to be the concubine of a man and then possibly sold again (Ex 21:7-11), was certainly inferior to that of a son. In the patriarchal period, however, both a son and a daughter could be put to death for disobeying the head of the family. One’s children could also be sacrificed in worship rituals (see Gn 22; Jgs 11). It is probable that infant sacrifice was practiced by nations neighboring Israel, including Canaan and Ammon.<\/p>\n<p>The rights of children were improved considerably with the promulgation of the code of Mosaic law. A father was no longer permitted to put his child to death without referring the case to the elders (Dt 21:18-21). Both sons and daughters could be brought before such authorities and accused of being disobedient, gluttonous, or drunkards. A father’s absolute authority even extended to his married son and family if they were living under his roof. The law also prohibited children from being held responsible for the crimes of their parents (Dt 24:16). In King David’s time a person convicted by the community had the right of appeal to the king (2 Sm 14:4-11).<\/p>\n<p>In Hebrew families both parents were held in high respect. Honor had to be given to both mother and father (Ex 20:12), and the law condemned offenses against either parent (21:17; Lv 20:9; Dt 21:18; 27:16). Respect due to the mother is a recurrent theme in the Wisdom Literature (Prv 19:26; 20:20; cf. Ecclus 3:1-16).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DailyLifeoftheHebrewFamily\">Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>In the everyday affairs of a Hebrew household, it was the father’s responsibility to maintain the family fortune and to be the provider. He might work in the fields, most probably with crops of flax, barley, or wheat. Or he would work at a trade, possibly as a weaver, builder, potter, dyer, fuller, or a worker in copper or bronze. If he lived near the shore, he might be a fisherman.<\/p>\n<p>The father was also responsible for the religious well-being of the family. It was his duty to take over his sons’ education from the mother at an early age, teaching them the tenets of Hebrew religion (Ex 10:2; 12:26; Dt 4:9; 6:7). He also explained all the facets of the law and the interwoven history of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>The father was the disciplinarian of the family, with the rod being used to drive home the lessons taught (Prv 13:24; 22:15; 29:15-17). Though children were loved and valued, they were not pampered (Ecclus 30:9-12). In postexilic times education also took place within the precincts of the synagogue, and shortly before the time of Christ, a general elementary education was introduced. It was also imperative that a father teach his sons a trade, normally his own, for a man without a trade either starved or became a thief. Another important paternal responsibility was to provide wives for male offspring in the household.<\/p>\n<p>The mother was responsible for her sons’ and daughters’ early education (Prv 1:8; 6:20), teaching them religious songs and prayers as soon as they could talk. A father took over the education of his sons, but the mother continued with the daughters, training them to spin, weave, cook, clean, trim the lamps, and generally to become competent in all the household duties (31:13-31).<\/p>\n<p>With little furniture, keeping a house clean meant sweeping the floors to keep them free from dust and dirt. Cooking was at once simple and difficult. It was simple in that much of the food was cooked in the form of a soup or stew, or else made into a cake and cooked on a griddle. It was difficult in that the corn had to be ground by hand and bread was baked daily.<\/p>\n<p>A mother was expected to take wool, card it, spin it, and often weave and make clothes for her family. In addition, she would help her husband in the fields at harvesttime. Because many families had one or more olive trees, a few grapevines, and fig trees, the mother would also assist in picking the fruit. She would sometimes work at the press when the olives or grapes were being processed. Frequently the treading of grapes in the family vat would be done together by husband and wife. Drawing water from the well was considered a menial task and was generally the wife’s responsibility, although sometimes it was assigned to the children (Gn 24:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>As in all societies, there was a time when children laughed and played together (Zec 8:5; Mt 11:16), although childhood and adolescence were not recognized as specific stages of development. Children were considered as sucklings if under three, but were regarded as boys or girls when they were able to take care of themselves. A small child sat on his mother’s lap and was played with (Is 66:12). There is no evidence of organized sports for children. Toys, including whistles, rattles, dolls, and miniature cooking utensils, have been excavated at Palestinian sites.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as a boy was old enough, he took his place in the family and accepted his appointed task. Among other things, children were expected to gather fuel (Jer 7:18). Young boys and girls tended the flocks. The sheep had to be protected from marauding wild beasts, guarded against their own folly when they wandered near crevices, steered toward good pasture and water, and carried home when sick or injured (Gn 29:6; Ex 2:16). The care of cattle was also the responsibility of children (1 Sm 16:11). Of necessity, boys were trained in the various arts of war.<\/p>\n<p>Children sometimes joined their fathers in the fields, and their presence was always welcome. From earliest times, boys in particular would watch their fathers until they too picked up a tool or implement to try their skill; girls watched and learned from their mothers. Young children frequently listened to the talk of the elders at the city gates or in the villages. A visit to a sanctuary at festival time was a family affair, furnishing an ideal learning experience. As a child, Jesus accompanied his parents, Mary and Joseph, to the temple in Jerusalem (Lk 2:42-47).<\/p>\n<p>Young girls were surprisingly free to go about their appointed tasks. They were not secluded or veiled and could visit uninhibited with friends and neighbors (Gn 34:1). They were also able to converse with men without embarrassment (24:15-25; 29:11-12; 1 Sm 9:11-13).<\/p>\n<p>Mealtimes were strictly family times. It is doubtful whether a meal comparable to a breakfast was eaten, and a farmer would probably have a light lunch in the fields. The main meal of the day was prepared by the mother, and it would be eaten in the early evening. Although the variety of food available was limited, its preparation was time-consuming.<\/p>\n<p>Feast times were periods of great religious significance and were also the days when family members participated in the symbolic rituals of their faith. Among the Israelites several kinds of food were fundamental to their religious ritual. Family unity and the national religion were molded together by special meals in the home.<\/p>\n<p>Daylight played an important part in the daily habits of the people in antiquity. Although oil lamps were readily available in later periods, it was customary to rise with the sun and go to bed relatively soon after dark. The wife would probably be up before sunrise and might continue her labor after dark.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InNewTestamentTimes\">In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>By NT times, for those who followed the Greek and Roman style, life became more elegant. Despite that, the status of many family members did not change substantially. Wealthier families had more slaves, and the children were more likely to have formal education, sometimes spending less effort on family chores. Even in Roman times, however, the father still had a legal right to accept or reject his child.<\/p>\n<p>The status of the woman had definitely improved by the NT period. A Roman matron was highly respected and exerted a strong influence over her husband. She was not sequestered in a particular section of the house, as a Greek woman was, but managed and supervised tasks in any part of her home. She helped her husband in business, had her own place in theaters, games, and religious festivals, and sometimes managed her own property. Palestinian women began to enjoy a new status and dignity as the result of Jesus’ attitude toward women and its influence on the early Christian church.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Education; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Widow; Woman.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refe...","summary_en":"FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refe...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13846,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gilead (Person)","title_en":"Gilead (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>GILEAD (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Makir’s son from Manasseh’s tribe (Nm 26:29-33) and head of the clan of his descendants (26:29; 27:1) during the time of Moses (36:1).<\/li>\n<li>2. Father of Jephthah during the period of the judges (Jgs 11:1-2). Jephthah was the head of the Gileadites and judge over Israel.<\/li>\n<li>3. Michael’s son from Gad’s tribe, who lived in Bashan during the initial settlement of Palestine (1 Chr 5:14).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>GILEAD (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Makir’s son from Manasseh’s tribe (Nm 26:29-33) and head of the clan of his descendants (26:29; 27:1) during the time of Moses (36:1).<\/li>\n<li>2. Father of Jephthah during the period of the judges (Jgs 11:1-2). Jephthah was the head of the Gileadites and judge over Israel.<\/li>\n<li>3. Michael’s son from Gad’s tribe, who lived in Bashan during the initial settlement of Palestine (1 Chr 5:14).<\/li>","summary_ro":"GILEAD (Person) 1. Makir’s son from Manasseh’s tribe (Nm 26:29-33) and head of the clan of his descendants (26:29; 27:1) during the time of Moses (36:1). 2. Father of Jephthah during the period of the judges (Jgs 11:1-2). Jephthah was the head of the Gileadites and judge over Israel. 3. Michael’s son from Gad’s tribe, who lived in Bashan during the initial settlement of Palestine (1 Chr 5:14).","summary_en":"GILEAD (Person) 1. Makir’s son from Manasseh’s tribe (Nm 26:29-33) and head of the clan of his descendants (26:29; 27:1) during the time of Moses (36:1). 2. Father of Jephthah during the period of the judges (Jgs 11:1-2). Jephthah was the head of the Gileadites and judge over Israel. 3. Michael’s son from Gad’s tribe, who lived in Bashan during the initial settlement of Palestine (1 Chr 5:14).","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18895,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28795,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Palestine*","title_en":"Palestine*","content_ro":"<h3>PALESTINE*<\/h3>\n<p>Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of Asia and Africa and as a continental link between Africa and Europe. Trade moved by well-defined routes as goods were brought into the Fertile Crescent from as far as northern Europe, India, and south of Egypt. The same roads were followed by prospective conquerors as they moved their armies from area to area in quest of power and wealth.<\/p>\n<p>It was the land promised by God to Abraham and his descendants, the homeland of God’s chosen people, and the geographical scene for much of biblical history. It has become a land sacred to three great world religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Physically, Palestine is a kind of microcosm. In a stretch of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) one can find almost every kind of climate and terrain known on the earth. It has fertile plains, sandy deserts, rocky wastes, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers. With such a variety in so small an area, the land provides sharp contrasts. In the north, Mt Hermon stands perpetually snowcapped at an altitude of about 9,100 feet (2,773.7 meters), while a scant 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) distant in the subtropical depression of the Jordan Valley is the Dead Sea, representing the deepest spot on the earth.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Name<\/p>\n<p>• Territory<\/p>\n<p>• Climate<\/p>\n<p>• Geography<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Name\">Name<\/p>\n<p>This land has been known by many names over its long history. The country seems to have been named after the maritime region, perhaps because this was the area that most foreigners contacted. So the land was called Canaan and later named after Philistia. In the table of nations, Canaan is said to have extended from Sidon in the north toward Gerar as far as Gaza and east toward the Cities of the Plain (Gn 10:19). The name Canaan appears in the Bible; the first occurrence of the name as that of a country or region is in Genesis 11:31.<\/p>\n<p>After the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the country was known as the land of Israel (1 Sm 13:19; 1 Chr 22:2). With the division of the kingdom in the reign of Rehoboam (930 <span>BC<\/span>), the name Israel went with the northern kingdom, and the southern kingdom was known as Judah (later, Judea).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Territory\">Territory<\/p>\n<p>The earliest reference to the extent of Palestine appears in the promise of the land to Abraham and to his descendants (Gn 15:18-21). Here the borders are given as the River of Egypt (Wadi el-Arish) in the southwest to the Euphrates River in the northeast. It is further defined in terms of the peoples who occupied it at that time, 10 in all, including the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Kadmonites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Rephaim, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Girgashites, and the Jebusites. In Genesis 17:8 the land is called simply “all the land of Canaan.”<\/p>\n<p>The Lord gave more detailed directions to Moses concerning the borders of the land that Israel was to occupy (Nm 34:1-12). The southern boundary was to be from the River of Egypt to the south of Kadesh-barnea and along the wilderness of Zin to the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. The western boundary was the Mediterranean, the northern border was set at the entrance to Hamath, and the eastern limit was the Jordan River and the Dead Sea.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest extent of the Promised Land is seen in the Lord’s declaration to Moses that he would set the bounds of Israel from the Red Sea to the Sea of the Philistines (Mediterranean) and from the wilderness to the Euphrates River (Ex 23:31). Historically, during the period of the judges and the reign of Saul, Israel did not conquer the land that had been given to the tribes in the division under Joshua. The military strength of David and the diplomacy of Solomon enabled them to achieve a marked expansion of Israelite rule. David defeated Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and thus pushed his northern frontier to the Euphrates River; he defeated Syria, Ammon, Moab, Edom, and Amalek, enlarging the kingdom also to the east and south (2 Sm 8:1-14; 1 Chr 18:1-13). Solomon had a fleet of merchant ships stationed at Ezion-geber on the Gulf of Aqaba. He also engaged in copper mining in that area.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Climate\">Climate<\/p>\n<p>It has been said that the climate of Palestine is more varied than that of any other area of comparable size in the world. Generally, the climate may be described as temperate; at Jerusalem, for example, the temperature extremes range from 26°F (-3.3°C) to 107°F (41.6°C), and the average annual rainfall is about 20 inches (50.8 centimeters). The coastal plain is warmer and has been compared to the east coast of Florida. The average annual temperature at Jaffa (Joppa) is 67° F (19.4°C). The Jordan Valley in the area of the Dead Sea is subtropical; in summer its temperatures may reach 120°F (48.8°C).<\/p>\n<p>Rainfall is seasonal, with rain coming in the cooler months of the year as the prevailing west wind brings moisture over the comparatively colder land area, much like the “lake effect” snows of the Great Lakes region of the United States. The rainy season extends from October to April. Within this time the Israelites singled out two periods (Jer 5:24; Jl 2:23), the former rain and the latter rain, with the former rain occurring in the months of October and November and the latter rain falling in March and April. The coastal area receives about 28 inches (71.1 centimeters) of rain annually, while the average for the country in general is 22 to 24 inches (55.9–70 centimeters).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>For purposes of description, the land of Palestine may be conveniently divided into five longitudinal sections:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/p>\n<li>2. The Shephelah<\/li>\n<li>3. The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/li>\n<li>4. The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/li>\n<li>5. The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/li>\n<p>These divisions are based essentially on differences in elevation, but other geographic elements also serve to mark their limits or otherwise distinguish them.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/h5>\n<p>The Maritime or Coastal Plain may be divided into three separate plains from south to north: the plain of Philistia, the plain of Sharon, and the plain of Acre.<\/p>\n<p>1. The plain of Philistia begins with the Wadi el-Arish, or River of Egypt, and extends north to the Nahr el-Auja, about five miles (8 kilometers) north of Joppa. This plain is about 70 miles (112.6 kilometers) long and reaches its greatest width in the latitude of Gaza, where it measures about 30 miles (48.3 kilometers). Along the Mediterranean there were dunes of sand, but for the most part, this area was very fertile and admirably suited for the production of grain.<\/p>\n<li>2. The plain of Sharon is not sharply demarcated from the Philistine plain and was probably under Philistine control, but the OT recognizes it as a separate entity (cf. Sg 2:1; Is 65:10). The plain extends north to Mt Carmel. On the coast are the town of Dor, which is mentioned in “The Tale of Wenamon,” and the city of Caesarea, where Herod the Great did much building.<\/li>\n<li>3. Beyond the promontory of Carmel lies a bay on which was situated the city named Ptolemais (Acts 21:7), also known as Acre or Acco (Jgs 1:31). Here a narrow plain stretches some 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) to the Ladder of Tyre (Ras en-Nakurah). The Kishon River (Jgs 4:7, 13; 1 Kgs 18:40) flows through this plain to the sea.<\/li>\n<h5>The Shephelah<\/h5>\n<p>The Shephelah constitutes a kind of “midlands,” intermediate between the lowlands of the coastal plain and the highlands of the Western Plateau, with an elevation of about 500 to 1,000 feet (152.4– 304.8 meters) and a width of only a few miles. It extends from the valley of Aijalon to Beersheba.<\/p>\n<p>The valleys of the Shephelah produced grain crops, while the hills were well suited for grapes and olives. The region was very important strategically, because it afforded approaches to Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<h5>The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/h5>\n<p>The Western Plateau or Hill Country ranges from 1,000 to 4,000 feet (304.8–609.6 meters) in elevation and covers some 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) from Lebanon to Beersheba. It may also be divided into three areas: Galilee, Samaria, and Judea.<\/p>\n<p>1. Galilee may be regarded as two parts, Upper Galilee (2,000–4,000 feet, or 609.6–1,219.2 meters) and Lower Galilee (below 2,000 feet, or 609.6 meters). The area was agricultural and pastoral, like much of Palestine, and was open to invasion. The highways that traversed Galilee made it a cosmopolitan district, so that Isaiah 9:1 calls it “Galilee of the nations.”<\/p>\n<li>2. Samaria was also suitable for crops and pasture. The brothers of Joseph were grazing their flocks in the plain of Dothan when Joseph visited them and became the victim of their conspiracy (Gn 37:17).<\/li>\n<li>3. Judea has an elevation of about 2,000 to 3,500 feet (609.6–1,066.8 meters) and reaches some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) from Bethel to Beersheba. The city of Jerusalem stands at an elevation of 2,654 feet (808.9 meters), surrounded by mountains and valleys that served as part of its defense system (Ps 125:2). This was the heart of the nation, for from the time of David onward, the capital was here, and more important, the ark of the covenant had been brought here during David’s reign. As the Lord had long foretold, Jerusalem had become the center of his worship; here Solomon built the temple, one of the greatest structures ever made.<\/li>\n<h5>The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/h5>\n<p>The Arabah or Jordan Valley presents the extremes of height and depth. Mt Hermon rises to 9,166 feet (2,793.8 meters), while the surface of the Dead Sea lies 1,275 feet (395 meters) below sea level, and at its deepest part the sea plunges another 1,300 feet (396.2 meters).<\/p>\n<p>1. The North Arabah or Upper Jordan Valley. The Jordan River has four sources, all near Mt Hermon. The Jordan flows through what was Lake Huleh, now partly drained and designated as a wildlife refuge. Two miles (3.2 kilometers) below the Huleh basin is the Bridge of Jacob’s Daughters, by which the old road to Damascus crossed the river. The Jordan then flows into a gorge some 1,200 feet (365.8 meters) deep.<\/p>\n<li>2. The Sea of Galilee, about 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) from Huleh, has an elevation of -685 feet (-208.8 meters). It measures 15 by 8 miles (24.1 by 12.9 kilometers), with a maximum depth of 750 feet (228.6 meters). The shape of the lake gave it the OT name, Chinnereth, meaning “harp” (Nm 34:11; Jos 13:27). In the NT it was also called the Lake of Gennesaret (Lk 5:1) and the Sea of Tiberias (Jn 6:1; 21:1).<\/li>\n<li>3. The Middle Arabah, or Ghor. The name Jordan means “descender”; in the 60 miles or 96.5 kilometers (in a straight line) from the outlet of the Sea of Galilee to the northern end of the Dead Sea there is a fall of more than 600 feet (182.9 meters), or 10 feet per mile. The river flows in a series of S-curves or zigzags, so that its actual course between Galilee and the Dead Sea covers some 200 miles (321.8 kilometers).<\/li>\n<p>This stretch of the Jordan Valley is known as the Ghor, or Rift. Six miles (9.7 kilometers) below the Sea of Galilee the Yarmuk River enters from the east. Some smaller streams empty into the Jordan, but the next river of consequence is the Jabbok (Gn 32:22). Just south of the Sea of Galilee the Ghor is about four miles (6.4 kilometers) wide; near Beth-shan it reaches seven miles (11.3 kilometers) wide; beyond that for some 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) the mountains close in on the river on both sides, narrowing the valley to two to three miles (3.2 to 4.8 kilometers); near Jericho it broadens to about 12 miles (19.3 kilometers).<\/p>\n<li>4. The Dead Sea is unique. Its surface is the deepest point on the face of the earth and its waters are of tremendous wealth. In the OT it is known as the Salt Sea (Gn 14:3; Nm 34:12; Jos 12:3) and the Sea of Arabah (Jos 12:3). Josephus calls it Lake Asphaltitis.<\/li>\n<p>This body of water is 46 miles (74 kilometers) long, 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) wide, and 1,300 feet (396.2 meters) deep and consists of about 25 percent mineral matter, making it a chemical deposit of great value. In addition to the flow of the Jordan, the Dead Sea receives the water of other streams, such as the Arnon River on the east. Much of the runoff of the seasonal rains also finds its way into the Salt Sea. Temperatures in the valley may reach 120° F (48.8° C) in summer; with the extreme humidity the climate is very debilitating and almost unbearable. It is estimated that the daily evaporation from the sea is 6 to 8 million tons (5.4–7.3 million metric tons).<\/p>\n<li>5. The Southern Arabah, mostly a barren wilderness, extends from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba, a distance of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers). There is a gradual ascent from the Dead Sea to a watershed just west of Petra. Near the tip of the Gulf of Aqaba were the ports of Elath (modern Eilat) and Ezion-geber.<\/li>\n<h5>The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/h5>\n<p>The Eastern Plateau, or Transjordan, was not named as part of the land of promise, but it was taken by the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh. The region is better supplied with water than the Western Plateau and has perennial streams, such as the Yarmuk, Jabbok, and Arnon. A principal north-south road was the King’s Highway, followed by the Israelites during the exodus (Nm 21:22) and probably also the route taken by the invading kings of Genesis 14.<\/p>\n<p>The northern section of Transjordan was known as Bashan, noted for its cattle (Ps 22:12; Ez 39:18) and for its oak trees (Is 2:13; Zec 11:2).<\/p>\n<p>Gilead, famed for its balm (Gn 37:25; Jer 8:22), was often mentioned in the OT (e.g., Dt 3:10-16; Jgs 11). It extended from the Yarmuk River to the city of Heshbon. This area was heavily forested in David’s time (cf. 2 Sm 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>In Palestine proper there were two important divisions: the plain of Esdraelon and the Negev. The plain of Esdraelon, often associated prophetically with Armageddon, lies between Galilee and Samaria. This is one of the most fertile areas of Palestine and also was the scene of numerous battles. The plain was guarded by fortress cities on its southern side (Megiddo, Ibleam, and Taanach). In the OT the valley of Jezreel was not regarded as a part of Esdraelon but as the valley between the hill of Moreh and Mt Gilboa. At the eastern end was the stronghold of Beth-shan.<\/p>\n<p>In the extreme south of the land is the wilderness area called the Negev, or South Country. This begins in the region of Beersheba and extends roughly to Kadesh-barnea. A district of infrequent and irregular rainfall, its agriculture is restricted, although a nomadic pastoral life has been widely practiced there. <em>See<\/em> Arabah; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Dead Sea; Decapolis; Sea of Galilee; Jordan River; Negev; Shephelah; Transjordan.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PALESTINE*<\/h3>\n<p>Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of Asia and Africa and as a continental link between Africa and Europe. Trade moved by well-defined routes as goods were brought into the Fertile Crescent from as far as northern Europe, India, and south of Egypt. The same roads were followed by prospective conquerors as they moved their armies from area to area in quest of power and wealth.<\/p>\n<p>It was the land promised by God to Abraham and his descendants, the homeland of God’s chosen people, and the geographical scene for much of biblical history. It has become a land sacred to three great world religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Physically, Palestine is a kind of microcosm. In a stretch of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) one can find almost every kind of climate and terrain known on the earth. It has fertile plains, sandy deserts, rocky wastes, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers. With such a variety in so small an area, the land provides sharp contrasts. In the north, Mt Hermon stands perpetually snowcapped at an altitude of about 9,100 feet (2,773.7 meters), while a scant 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) distant in the subtropical depression of the Jordan Valley is the Dead Sea, representing the deepest spot on the earth.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Name<\/p>\n<p>• Territory<\/p>\n<p>• Climate<\/p>\n<p>• Geography<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Name\">Name<\/p>\n<p>This land has been known by many names over its long history. The country seems to have been named after the maritime region, perhaps because this was the area that most foreigners contacted. So the land was called Canaan and later named after Philistia. In the table of nations, Canaan is said to have extended from Sidon in the north toward Gerar as far as Gaza and east toward the Cities of the Plain (Gn 10:19). The name Canaan appears in the Bible; the first occurrence of the name as that of a country or region is in Genesis 11:31.<\/p>\n<p>After the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the country was known as the land of Israel (1 Sm 13:19; 1 Chr 22:2). With the division of the kingdom in the reign of Rehoboam (930 <span>BC<\/span>), the name Israel went with the northern kingdom, and the southern kingdom was known as Judah (later, Judea).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Territory\">Territory<\/p>\n<p>The earliest reference to the extent of Palestine appears in the promise of the land to Abraham and to his descendants (Gn 15:18-21). Here the borders are given as the River of Egypt (Wadi el-Arish) in the southwest to the Euphrates River in the northeast. It is further defined in terms of the peoples who occupied it at that time, 10 in all, including the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Kadmonites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Rephaim, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Girgashites, and the Jebusites. In Genesis 17:8 the land is called simply “all the land of Canaan.”<\/p>\n<p>The Lord gave more detailed directions to Moses concerning the borders of the land that Israel was to occupy (Nm 34:1-12). The southern boundary was to be from the River of Egypt to the south of Kadesh-barnea and along the wilderness of Zin to the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. The western boundary was the Mediterranean, the northern border was set at the entrance to Hamath, and the eastern limit was the Jordan River and the Dead Sea.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest extent of the Promised Land is seen in the Lord’s declaration to Moses that he would set the bounds of Israel from the Red Sea to the Sea of the Philistines (Mediterranean) and from the wilderness to the Euphrates River (Ex 23:31). Historically, during the period of the judges and the reign of Saul, Israel did not conquer the land that had been given to the tribes in the division under Joshua. The military strength of David and the diplomacy of Solomon enabled them to achieve a marked expansion of Israelite rule. David defeated Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and thus pushed his northern frontier to the Euphrates River; he defeated Syria, Ammon, Moab, Edom, and Amalek, enlarging the kingdom also to the east and south (2 Sm 8:1-14; 1 Chr 18:1-13). Solomon had a fleet of merchant ships stationed at Ezion-geber on the Gulf of Aqaba. He also engaged in copper mining in that area.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Climate\">Climate<\/p>\n<p>It has been said that the climate of Palestine is more varied than that of any other area of comparable size in the world. Generally, the climate may be described as temperate; at Jerusalem, for example, the temperature extremes range from 26°F (-3.3°C) to 107°F (41.6°C), and the average annual rainfall is about 20 inches (50.8 centimeters). The coastal plain is warmer and has been compared to the east coast of Florida. The average annual temperature at Jaffa (Joppa) is 67° F (19.4°C). The Jordan Valley in the area of the Dead Sea is subtropical; in summer its temperatures may reach 120°F (48.8°C).<\/p>\n<p>Rainfall is seasonal, with rain coming in the cooler months of the year as the prevailing west wind brings moisture over the comparatively colder land area, much like the “lake effect” snows of the Great Lakes region of the United States. The rainy season extends from October to April. Within this time the Israelites singled out two periods (Jer 5:24; Jl 2:23), the former rain and the latter rain, with the former rain occurring in the months of October and November and the latter rain falling in March and April. The coastal area receives about 28 inches (71.1 centimeters) of rain annually, while the average for the country in general is 22 to 24 inches (55.9–70 centimeters).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>For purposes of description, the land of Palestine may be conveniently divided into five longitudinal sections:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/p>\n<li>2. The Shephelah<\/li>\n<li>3. The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/li>\n<li>4. The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/li>\n<li>5. The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/li>\n<p>These divisions are based essentially on differences in elevation, but other geographic elements also serve to mark their limits or otherwise distinguish them.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/h5>\n<p>The Maritime or Coastal Plain may be divided into three separate plains from south to north: the plain of Philistia, the plain of Sharon, and the plain of Acre.<\/p>\n<p>1. The plain of Philistia begins with the Wadi el-Arish, or River of Egypt, and extends north to the Nahr el-Auja, about five miles (8 kilometers) north of Joppa. This plain is about 70 miles (112.6 kilometers) long and reaches its greatest width in the latitude of Gaza, where it measures about 30 miles (48.3 kilometers). Along the Mediterranean there were dunes of sand, but for the most part, this area was very fertile and admirably suited for the production of grain.<\/p>\n<li>2. The plain of Sharon is not sharply demarcated from the Philistine plain and was probably under Philistine control, but the OT recognizes it as a separate entity (cf. Sg 2:1; Is 65:10). The plain extends north to Mt Carmel. On the coast are the town of Dor, which is mentioned in “The Tale of Wenamon,” and the city of Caesarea, where Herod the Great did much building.<\/li>\n<li>3. Beyond the promontory of Carmel lies a bay on which was situated the city named Ptolemais (Acts 21:7), also known as Acre or Acco (Jgs 1:31). Here a narrow plain stretches some 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) to the Ladder of Tyre (Ras en-Nakurah). The Kishon River (Jgs 4:7, 13; 1 Kgs 18:40) flows through this plain to the sea.<\/li>\n<h5>The Shephelah<\/h5>\n<p>The Shephelah constitutes a kind of “midlands,” intermediate between the lowlands of the coastal plain and the highlands of the Western Plateau, with an elevation of about 500 to 1,000 feet (152.4– 304.8 meters) and a width of only a few miles. It extends from the valley of Aijalon to Beersheba.<\/p>\n<p>The valleys of the Shephelah produced grain crops, while the hills were well suited for grapes and olives. The region was very important strategically, because it afforded approaches to Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<h5>The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/h5>\n<p>The Western Plateau or Hill Country ranges from 1,000 to 4,000 feet (304.8–609.6 meters) in elevation and covers some 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) from Lebanon to Beersheba. It may also be divided into three areas: Galilee, Samaria, and Judea.<\/p>\n<p>1. Galilee may be regarded as two parts, Upper Galilee (2,000–4,000 feet, or 609.6–1,219.2 meters) and Lower Galilee (below 2,000 feet, or 609.6 meters). The area was agricultural and pastoral, like much of Palestine, and was open to invasion. The highways that traversed Galilee made it a cosmopolitan district, so that Isaiah 9:1 calls it “Galilee of the nations.”<\/p>\n<li>2. Samaria was also suitable for crops and pasture. The brothers of Joseph were grazing their flocks in the plain of Dothan when Joseph visited them and became the victim of their conspiracy (Gn 37:17).<\/li>\n<li>3. Judea has an elevation of about 2,000 to 3,500 feet (609.6–1,066.8 meters) and reaches some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) from Bethel to Beersheba. The city of Jerusalem stands at an elevation of 2,654 feet (808.9 meters), surrounded by mountains and valleys that served as part of its defense system (Ps 125:2). This was the heart of the nation, for from the time of David onward, the capital was here, and more important, the ark of the covenant had been brought here during David’s reign. As the Lord had long foretold, Jerusalem had become the center of his worship; here Solomon built the temple, one of the greatest structures ever made.<\/li>\n<h5>The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/h5>\n<p>The Arabah or Jordan Valley presents the extremes of height and depth. Mt Hermon rises to 9,166 feet (2,793.8 meters), while the surface of the Dead Sea lies 1,275 feet (395 meters) below sea level, and at its deepest part the sea plunges another 1,300 feet (396.2 meters).<\/p>\n<p>1. The North Arabah or Upper Jordan Valley. The Jordan River has four sources, all near Mt Hermon. The Jordan flows through what was Lake Huleh, now partly drained and designated as a wildlife refuge. Two miles (3.2 kilometers) below the Huleh basin is the Bridge of Jacob’s Daughters, by which the old road to Damascus crossed the river. The Jordan then flows into a gorge some 1,200 feet (365.8 meters) deep.<\/p>\n<li>2. The Sea of Galilee, about 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) from Huleh, has an elevation of -685 feet (-208.8 meters). It measures 15 by 8 miles (24.1 by 12.9 kilometers), with a maximum depth of 750 feet (228.6 meters). The shape of the lake gave it the OT name, Chinnereth, meaning “harp” (Nm 34:11; Jos 13:27). In the NT it was also called the Lake of Gennesaret (Lk 5:1) and the Sea of Tiberias (Jn 6:1; 21:1).<\/li>\n<li>3. The Middle Arabah, or Ghor. The name Jordan means “descender”; in the 60 miles or 96.5 kilometers (in a straight line) from the outlet of the Sea of Galilee to the northern end of the Dead Sea there is a fall of more than 600 feet (182.9 meters), or 10 feet per mile. The river flows in a series of S-curves or zigzags, so that its actual course between Galilee and the Dead Sea covers some 200 miles (321.8 kilometers).<\/li>\n<p>This stretch of the Jordan Valley is known as the Ghor, or Rift. Six miles (9.7 kilometers) below the Sea of Galilee the Yarmuk River enters from the east. Some smaller streams empty into the Jordan, but the next river of consequence is the Jabbok (Gn 32:22). Just south of the Sea of Galilee the Ghor is about four miles (6.4 kilometers) wide; near Beth-shan it reaches seven miles (11.3 kilometers) wide; beyond that for some 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) the mountains close in on the river on both sides, narrowing the valley to two to three miles (3.2 to 4.8 kilometers); near Jericho it broadens to about 12 miles (19.3 kilometers).<\/p>\n<li>4. The Dead Sea is unique. Its surface is the deepest point on the face of the earth and its waters are of tremendous wealth. In the OT it is known as the Salt Sea (Gn 14:3; Nm 34:12; Jos 12:3) and the Sea of Arabah (Jos 12:3). Josephus calls it Lake Asphaltitis.<\/li>\n<p>This body of water is 46 miles (74 kilometers) long, 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) wide, and 1,300 feet (396.2 meters) deep and consists of about 25 percent mineral matter, making it a chemical deposit of great value. In addition to the flow of the Jordan, the Dead Sea receives the water of other streams, such as the Arnon River on the east. Much of the runoff of the seasonal rains also finds its way into the Salt Sea. Temperatures in the valley may reach 120° F (48.8° C) in summer; with the extreme humidity the climate is very debilitating and almost unbearable. It is estimated that the daily evaporation from the sea is 6 to 8 million tons (5.4–7.3 million metric tons).<\/p>\n<li>5. The Southern Arabah, mostly a barren wilderness, extends from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba, a distance of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers). There is a gradual ascent from the Dead Sea to a watershed just west of Petra. Near the tip of the Gulf of Aqaba were the ports of Elath (modern Eilat) and Ezion-geber.<\/li>\n<h5>The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/h5>\n<p>The Eastern Plateau, or Transjordan, was not named as part of the land of promise, but it was taken by the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh. The region is better supplied with water than the Western Plateau and has perennial streams, such as the Yarmuk, Jabbok, and Arnon. A principal north-south road was the King’s Highway, followed by the Israelites during the exodus (Nm 21:22) and probably also the route taken by the invading kings of Genesis 14.<\/p>\n<p>The northern section of Transjordan was known as Bashan, noted for its cattle (Ps 22:12; Ez 39:18) and for its oak trees (Is 2:13; Zec 11:2).<\/p>\n<p>Gilead, famed for its balm (Gn 37:25; Jer 8:22), was often mentioned in the OT (e.g., Dt 3:10-16; Jgs 11). It extended from the Yarmuk River to the city of Heshbon. This area was heavily forested in David’s time (cf. 2 Sm 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>In Palestine proper there were two important divisions: the plain of Esdraelon and the Negev. The plain of Esdraelon, often associated prophetically with Armageddon, lies between Galilee and Samaria. This is one of the most fertile areas of Palestine and also was the scene of numerous battles. The plain was guarded by fortress cities on its southern side (Megiddo, Ibleam, and Taanach). In the OT the valley of Jezreel was not regarded as a part of Esdraelon but as the valley between the hill of Moreh and Mt Gilboa. At the eastern end was the stronghold of Beth-shan.<\/p>\n<p>In the extreme south of the land is the wilderness area called the Negev, or South Country. This begins in the region of Beersheba and extends roughly to Kadesh-barnea. A district of infrequent and irregular rainfall, its agriculture is restricted, although a nomadic pastoral life has been widely practiced there. <em>See<\/em> Arabah; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Dead Sea; Decapolis; Sea of Galilee; Jordan River; Negev; Shephelah; Transjordan.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PALESTINE* Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of A...","summary_en":"PALESTINE* Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of A...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45833,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","summary_en":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45834,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","summary_en":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73459,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","summary_en":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73460,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","summary_en":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101085,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","summary_en":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101086,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","summary_en":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128711,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-3<\/strong> In <em>Jephthah<\/em>, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","summary_en":"11:1-3 In Jephthah, inspired leadership took a new turn. He had humble origins, attracted followers, was eloquent in debate, and had Spirit-filled military prowess, but all of these were overshadowed by the fatal flaws of his untimely vow (11:30-31, 34-35) and his petulant civil war with Ephraim (12:1-6). Even his victory was short-lived (“six years,” 12:7). The period of decline was underway, which increased the demand for kingship.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128712,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:1-2<\/strong> <em>great warrior:<\/em> Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where <em>great warrior<\/em> is translated “mighty hero”). <em>Gilead<\/em> was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his <em>prostitute<\/em> mother. His <em>half brothers<\/em> had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","summary_en":"11:1-2 great warrior: Jephthah had military prowess and possibly social prominence (see study note on 6:12, where great warrior is translated “mighty hero”). Gilead was a descendant of Manasseh (Num 26:29-33; 32:39-40; 1 Chr 7:14-17). Jephthah’s social standing raised his visibility despite the ignominy of his prostitute mother. His half brothers had no obligation to accept Jephthah’s status or leadership.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":18896,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":32293,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Raca*","title_en":"Raca*","content_ro":"<h3>RACA*<\/h3>\n<p>Derogatory expression used by Jews of the first century <span>AD<\/span> to show open contempt for another. <em>Raca<\/em> is derived from an Aramaic and Hebrew term meaning “empty” or “worthless.” Literally meaning “empty-headed,” <em>raca<\/em> probably insinuates an intellectual stupidity or inferiority rather than a moral deficiency. In the OT it is comparable to the worthless lot that Abimelech hired to follow him (Jgs 9:4), the idle men who gathered around Jephthah (11:3), and the scoundrels who joined up with Jeroboam (2 Chr 13:7). Michal accused David of acting like one of the vulgar fellows [<em>raca<\/em>] who shamelessly uncovered himself (2 Sm 6:20). Rabbinic literature used this term to describe an immoral, untrained person.<\/p>\n<p>Jesus warned against calling a brother <em>“Raca!”<\/em> (Mt 5:22, <span>nlt<\/span> mg). According to Jesus, the perpetrator of the insult was to be judged by the highest court of the land and punished by its severest penalty. The commandment against murder (Ex 20:13) not only prohibited the deed itself but also the thoughts of unrighteous anger and expressions of unwarranted contempt.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>RACA*<\/h3>\n<p>Derogatory expression used by Jews of the first century <span>AD<\/span> to show open contempt for another. <em>Raca<\/em> is derived from an Aramaic and Hebrew term meaning “empty” or “worthless.” Literally meaning “empty-headed,” <em>raca<\/em> probably insinuates an intellectual stupidity or inferiority rather than a moral deficiency. In the OT it is comparable to the worthless lot that Abimelech hired to follow him (Jgs 9:4), the idle men who gathered around Jephthah (11:3), and the scoundrels who joined up with Jeroboam (2 Chr 13:7). Michal accused David of acting like one of the vulgar fellows [<em>raca<\/em>] who shamelessly uncovered himself (2 Sm 6:20). Rabbinic literature used this term to describe an immoral, untrained person.<\/p>\n<p>Jesus warned against calling a brother <em>“Raca!”<\/em> (Mt 5:22, <span>nlt<\/span> mg). According to Jesus, the perpetrator of the insult was to be judged by the highest court of the land and punished by its severest penalty. The commandment against murder (Ex 20:13) not only prohibited the deed itself but also the thoughts of unrighteous anger and expressions of unwarranted contempt.<\/p>","summary_ro":"RACA* Derogatory expression used by Jews of the first century AD to show open contempt for another. Raca is derived from an Aramaic and Hebrew term meaning “empty” or “worthless.” Literally meaning “empty-headed,” raca probably insinuates an intellectual stupidity or inferiority rather than a moral deficiency. In the OT it is comparable to the worthless lot that Abimelech hired to follow him (Jgs 9:4), the idle men who gathered around Jephthah (11:3), and the scoundrels who joined up with Jer...","summary_en":"RACA* Derogatory expression used by Jews of the first century AD to show open contempt for another. Raca is derived from an Aramaic and Hebrew term meaning “empty” or “worthless.” Literally meaning “empty-headed,” raca probably insinuates an intellectual stupidity or inferiority rather than a moral deficiency. In the OT it is comparable to the worthless lot that Abimelech hired to follow him (Jgs 9:4), the idle men who gathered around Jephthah (11:3), and the scoundrels who joined up with Jer...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37474,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tob","title_en":"Tob","content_ro":"<h3>TOB<\/h3>\n<p>Place where Jephthah fled after his half brothers threw him out for being illegitimate (Jgs 11:3-5). During the reign of David, the Ammonites hired 12,000 men from Tob as mercenaries to fight against David (2 Sm 10:6-8). It is probably the same as the Aramite kingdom named Tob, which was located in the desert east or northeast of Gilead. During the Maccabean period, a Jewish colony was located in Tob.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TOB<\/h3>\n<p>Place where Jephthah fled after his half brothers threw him out for being illegitimate (Jgs 11:3-5). During the reign of David, the Ammonites hired 12,000 men from Tob as mercenaries to fight against David (2 Sm 10:6-8). It is probably the same as the Aramite kingdom named Tob, which was located in the desert east or northeast of Gilead. During the Maccabean period, a Jewish colony was located in Tob.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TOB Place where Jephthah fled after his half brothers threw him out for being illegitimate (Jgs 11:3-5). During the reign of David, the Ammonites hired 12,000 men from Tob as mercenaries to fight against David (2 Sm 10:6-8). It is probably the same as the Aramite kingdom named Tob, which was located in the desert east or northeast of Gilead. During the Maccabean period, a Jewish colony was located in Tob.","summary_en":"TOB Place where Jephthah fled after his half brothers threw him out for being illegitimate (Jgs 11:3-5). During the reign of David, the Ammonites hired 12,000 men from Tob as mercenaries to fight against David (2 Sm 10:6-8). It is probably the same as the Aramite kingdom named Tob, which was located in the desert east or northeast of Gilead. During the Maccabean period, a Jewish colony was located in Tob.","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45835,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","summary_en":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73461,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","summary_en":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101087,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","summary_en":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128713,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:3<\/strong> Jephthah’s <em>worthless rebels<\/em> are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","summary_en":"11:3 Jephthah’s worthless rebels are reminiscent of Abimelech’s “reckless troublemakers” (see 9:4), but Jephthah had no need to buy their loyalty.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":18897,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45836,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","summary_en":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73462,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","summary_en":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101088,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","summary_en":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128714,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:4<\/strong> <em>Ammonites . . . war:<\/em> See 10:17.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","summary_en":"11:4 Ammonites . . . war: See 10:17.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":45837,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","summary_en":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73463,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","summary_en":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101089,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","summary_en":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128715,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:5-6<\/strong> These <em>elders<\/em> were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of <em>commander<\/em>, trying to diminish their initial promise.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","summary_en":"11:5-6 These elders were apparently distinct from Jephthah’s brothers, although Jephthah’s initial response (11:7) appears to equate the two groups. They had promised (10:18) that whoever took the military initiative and attacked the Ammonites would become the ruler. Here, in typical Middle Eastern bargaining style, they only offered the status of commander, trying to diminish their initial promise.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"6":[{"id":24247,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Manasseh","title_en":"Tribe of Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>MANASSEH, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Geographically, the largest of the 12 tribes of Israel, and unique in having two territories, a half-tribe in each. Isolated from each other by the Jordan River valley, they developed separately. The half-tribe west of the Jordan was more important, both in OT and NT times, because it was the main tribe of the northern kingdom of Israel (931–722 <span>BC<\/span>) and one of the main ancestral stocks of the Samaritans.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EarlyHistory\">Early History<\/p>\n<h5>Its Roots<\/h5>\n<p>Its families traced their origins back to Joseph’s elder son Manasseh, to Manasseh’s son Makir or grandson Gilead, or to later descendants such as Zelophehad and Jair. A fair harmony can be constructed from the biblical genealogical data in Gn 48:5-6; Nm 26:28-34; Jos 17:1-3; 1 Chr 2:21-23; and 7:14-19, a text corrupted by several copyists’ errors. The mention of Asriel in 1 Chronicles 7:14 seems to be a copyist’s mistake; otherwise, the accounts are capable of being reconciled, even if each list preserved different data and none is complete in itself.<\/p>\n<h5>Its Size<\/h5>\n<p>One year after the exodus, Manasseh had the smallest army, according to Moses’ first census (Nm 1:34-35). On the eve of the conquest of Canaan, after wandering 38 years in the Sinai wilderness and then conquering Transjordan, it had the sixth largest fighting force, according to a second census (Nm 26:28-34)—52,700 men.<\/p>\n<h5>Its First Settlements<\/h5>\n<p>The soldiers of the eastern half-tribe of Manasseh settled their families in Gilead, which they captured under Moses’ leadership from the Amorite king Og (Nm 21:32-35; 32:39-42; Dt 3:1-15). Then, under Joshua, they crossed the Jordan to help the other tribes conquer Canaan (Nm 32:1-32; Jos 1:12-18). Subsequently, the western half-tribe received its allotment and began to settle in the central hill country (Jos 16:1-9; ch 17). After the remaining tribes received their shares of land, the army from the eastern half-tribe returned home (22:1-9). En route to their families in Gilead, they helped to build an altar by the Jordan River. This act was intended to preserve national unity, but it nearly started a civil war (vv 10-34).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheEasternHalf-Tribe\">The Eastern Half-Tribe<\/p>\n<h5>Its Territory<\/h5>\n<p>Moses allotted the eastern half-tribe nearly 3,000 square miles (7,770 square kilometers) of territory in three geographical regions (northern Gilead, Bashan, and Mt Hermon), but it succeeded in controlling only about 800 square miles (2,072 square kilometers)—the half of Gilead north of the Jabbok River (and south of the Yarmuk River)—despite successful initial conquests (Nm 32:39-42; Dt 3:12-15; Jos 13:8-13) and gradual northern expansion much later (1 Chr 5:23).<\/p>\n<p>The territory occupied was mostly a high plateau with a mountainous center. It was watered well by rains in winter and by a heavy dew in summer. Olive trees, grapevines, and wheat thrived, and goats and sheep could find adequate pasture on the eastern slopes, which merged gradually into the desert to the east.<\/p>\n<h5>People and Places<\/h5>\n<p>Prominent citizens of the eastern half-tribe included the “judges” Jair and Jephthah (Jgs 10:3-5; 11:6-12) and David’s benefactor Barzillai (2 Sm 19:31-39). Principal cities were Jabeth-gilead and Ramoth-gilead, a city of refuge and a Levitical city, respectively (originally in Gad—Jos 20:8; 21:38).<\/p>\n<p>The eastern territory was usually called simply “the half-tribe of Manasseh,” until David (c. 1000–961 <span>BC<\/span>) made it an administrative district (1 Chr 27:21). Solomon (970–930 <span>BC<\/span>) divided and incorporated it into two new districts (1 Kgs 4:13-14). Under Jeroboam I (930–909 <span>BC<\/span>), it joined, on equal terms, with eight other tribes and with the western half-tribe, to form a confederacy of ten tribes—the northern kingdom of Israel—in 930 <span>BC<\/span>. Syria and Assyria both held eastern Manasseh temporarily, in the ninth and eighth centuries <span>BC<\/span> (cf. 2 Kgs 10:32-33; 13:7 with 14:25; and 2 Kgs 15:29 with 2 Chr 34:6-7). King Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) of Assyria invaded the area, conquered it, deported its people, and scattered them throughout his empire (1 Chr 5:26; cf. 2 Kgs 15:29) about ten years before the rest of the northern kingdom fell to the Assyrians in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. Most of the western Manassites who were left behind intermarried with the foreigners, began to worship pagan gods, and became ancestors of the Samaritans (2 Kgs 17:24-41). Subsequently, the region was known as Gilead. By NT times the region was partly in the Decapolis and partly in Perea.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MANASSEH, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Geographically, the largest of the 12 tribes of Israel, and unique in having two territories, a half-tribe in each. Isolated from each other by the Jordan River valley, they developed separately. The half-tribe west of the Jordan was more important, both in OT and NT times, because it was the main tribe of the northern kingdom of Israel (931–722 <span>BC<\/span>) and one of the main ancestral stocks of the Samaritans.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EarlyHistory\">Early History<\/p>\n<h5>Its Roots<\/h5>\n<p>Its families traced their origins back to Joseph’s elder son Manasseh, to Manasseh’s son Makir or grandson Gilead, or to later descendants such as Zelophehad and Jair. A fair harmony can be constructed from the biblical genealogical data in Gn 48:5-6; Nm 26:28-34; Jos 17:1-3; 1 Chr 2:21-23; and 7:14-19, a text corrupted by several copyists’ errors. The mention of Asriel in 1 Chronicles 7:14 seems to be a copyist’s mistake; otherwise, the accounts are capable of being reconciled, even if each list preserved different data and none is complete in itself.<\/p>\n<h5>Its Size<\/h5>\n<p>One year after the exodus, Manasseh had the smallest army, according to Moses’ first census (Nm 1:34-35). On the eve of the conquest of Canaan, after wandering 38 years in the Sinai wilderness and then conquering Transjordan, it had the sixth largest fighting force, according to a second census (Nm 26:28-34)—52,700 men.<\/p>\n<h5>Its First Settlements<\/h5>\n<p>The soldiers of the eastern half-tribe of Manasseh settled their families in Gilead, which they captured under Moses’ leadership from the Amorite king Og (Nm 21:32-35; 32:39-42; Dt 3:1-15). Then, under Joshua, they crossed the Jordan to help the other tribes conquer Canaan (Nm 32:1-32; Jos 1:12-18). Subsequently, the western half-tribe received its allotment and began to settle in the central hill country (Jos 16:1-9; ch 17). After the remaining tribes received their shares of land, the army from the eastern half-tribe returned home (22:1-9). En route to their families in Gilead, they helped to build an altar by the Jordan River. This act was intended to preserve national unity, but it nearly started a civil war (vv 10-34).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheEasternHalf-Tribe\">The Eastern Half-Tribe<\/p>\n<h5>Its Territory<\/h5>\n<p>Moses allotted the eastern half-tribe nearly 3,000 square miles (7,770 square kilometers) of territory in three geographical regions (northern Gilead, Bashan, and Mt Hermon), but it succeeded in controlling only about 800 square miles (2,072 square kilometers)—the half of Gilead north of the Jabbok River (and south of the Yarmuk River)—despite successful initial conquests (Nm 32:39-42; Dt 3:12-15; Jos 13:8-13) and gradual northern expansion much later (1 Chr 5:23).<\/p>\n<p>The territory occupied was mostly a high plateau with a mountainous center. It was watered well by rains in winter and by a heavy dew in summer. Olive trees, grapevines, and wheat thrived, and goats and sheep could find adequate pasture on the eastern slopes, which merged gradually into the desert to the east.<\/p>\n<h5>People and Places<\/h5>\n<p>Prominent citizens of the eastern half-tribe included the “judges” Jair and Jephthah (Jgs 10:3-5; 11:6-12) and David’s benefactor Barzillai (2 Sm 19:31-39). Principal cities were Jabeth-gilead and Ramoth-gilead, a city of refuge and a Levitical city, respectively (originally in Gad—Jos 20:8; 21:38).<\/p>\n<p>The eastern territory was usually called simply “the half-tribe of Manasseh,” until David (c. 1000–961 <span>BC<\/span>) made it an administrative district (1 Chr 27:21). Solomon (970–930 <span>BC<\/span>) divided and incorporated it into two new districts (1 Kgs 4:13-14). Under Jeroboam I (930–909 <span>BC<\/span>), it joined, on equal terms, with eight other tribes and with the western half-tribe, to form a confederacy of ten tribes—the northern kingdom of Israel—in 930 <span>BC<\/span>. Syria and Assyria both held eastern Manasseh temporarily, in the ninth and eighth centuries <span>BC<\/span> (cf. 2 Kgs 10:32-33; 13:7 with 14:25; and 2 Kgs 15:29 with 2 Chr 34:6-7). King Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) of Assyria invaded the area, conquered it, deported its people, and scattered them throughout his empire (1 Chr 5:26; cf. 2 Kgs 15:29) about ten years before the rest of the northern kingdom fell to the Assyrians in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. Most of the western Manassites who were left behind intermarried with the foreigners, began to worship pagan gods, and became ancestors of the Samaritans (2 Kgs 17:24-41). Subsequently, the region was known as Gilead. By NT times the region was partly in the Decapolis and partly in Perea.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MANASSEH, Tribe of Geographically, the largest of the 12 tribes of Israel, and unique in having two territories, a half-tribe in each. Isolated from each other by the Jordan River valley, they developed separately. The half-tribe west of the Jordan was more important, both in OT and NT times, because it was the main tribe of the northern kingdom of Israel (931–722 BC) and one of the main ancestral stocks of the Samaritans. Early History Its Roots Its families traced their origins back to Jose...","summary_en":"MANASSEH, Tribe of Geographically, the largest of the 12 tribes of Israel, and unique in having two territories, a half-tribe in each. Isolated from each other by the Jordan River valley, they developed separately. The half-tribe west of the Jordan was more important, both in OT and NT times, because it was the main tribe of the northern kingdom of Israel (931–722 BC) and one of the main ancestral stocks of the Samaritans. Early History Its Roots Its families traced their origins back to Jose...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"7":[{"id":45838,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:7","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:7","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","summary_en":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73464,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:7","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:7","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","summary_en":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101090,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:7","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:7","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","summary_en":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128716,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:7","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:7","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:7-8<\/strong> When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, <em>ruler<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","summary_en":"11:7-8 When Jephthah challenged the offer, the elders returned to the stronger word, ruler.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"9":[{"id":21331,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45839,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:9","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","summary_en":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73465,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:9","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","summary_en":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101091,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:9","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","summary_en":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128717,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:9","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:9-10<\/strong> Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of <em>ruler<\/em>, not just “commander.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","summary_en":"11:9-10 Jephthah made sure that the elders really were offering him the position of ruler, not just “commander.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":18898,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21332,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45840,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","summary_en":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73466,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","summary_en":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101092,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","summary_en":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128718,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:11<\/strong> At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both <em>ruler and commander<\/em>. • This <em>Mizpah<\/em> (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah <em>in the presence of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in which a ruler (the suzerain) promises to protect and defend a vassal people in exchange for authority over them (see study note on Exod 20:1–23:33; see also Deuteronomy Book Introduction, “Literary Form”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","summary_en":"11:11 At the end of the negotiations, Jephthah was sworn in as both ruler and commander. • This Mizpah (“watchtower”) was a shrine east of the Jordan in Gilead, which was Jephthah’s home (10:17; 11:29, 34); it should not be confused with Mizpah in Benjamin, the place near Bethel where the tribes later assembled and swore oaths for the final battle of Judges (20:1; 21:1). • The ceremony at Mizpah in the presence of the Lord appears to have been the making of a suzerain-vassal covenant, in whic...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":1358,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ammonites Ammon","title_en":"Ammonites Ammon","content_ro":"<h3>AMMON, AMMONITES<\/h3>\n<p>A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the Ammonites and Israelites. The name occurred frequently in the ancient Near East from the middle of the second millennium on. One form was found in Assyrian inscriptions; other forms are seen in Ugaritic texts of the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, in the Mari texts, in the Amarna tablets, and in the Alalakh tablets.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites originated in the southern Transjordan region about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though these people were of mixed ancestry, the languages they spoke were closely related to Hebrew. Ammonite was written in the old Canaanite-Phoenician script, which could probably be read and understood by Israelites. Ammonites intermarried with Hebrews (1 Kgs 14:21, 31; 2 Chr 12:13), and their personal names reflected early Arabic influences.<\/p>\n<p>In language, ethnic background, and physical characteristics the Ammonites were difficult to distinguish from Amorites and were probably closely related. Both may have entered the land at about the same time, for when Joshua led the Israelites into Canaan, both the Ammonite kingdom and the Amorite kingdom of Heshbon were already well established.<\/p>\n<p>The OT states that the territory of Ammon was once occupied by a race of giants called Rephaim or Zamzummim, about whom almost nothing is known (Dt 2:20-21; “Zuzim,” Gn 14:5). The Genesis Apocryphon found among the Dead Sea Scrolls mentions them as one of the people defeated by the alliance of four kings (Gn 14:1, 5). The expedition of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam (Gn 14), broke the power of those giants and probably made the occupation of the land by Esau, Ammon, and Moab much easier. King Og was “of the remnant of the Rephaim” known to the Ammonites (Dt 3:11). His bed was evidently an object of veneration because of its unusual size.<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites arrived at Kadesh, they encountered the well-organized kingdom of Edom but were refused permission to pass through Edomite territory (Nm 20:14-21). They journeyed northward to Ammonite country, which was then occupied by the Amorite king Sihon. He also refused them permission to pass through his land, but the Israelites defeated him in battle and occupied his country (Nm 21:21-24). They were instructed by God through Moses not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Dt 2:19, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Continuing northward, the Israelites defeated King Og of Bashan (Dt 3:1-11), then went down to the Jordan Valley, where they camped on the plains of Moab. There Balak, king of Moab, hired a soothsayer, Balaam, to pronounce a curse on the Israelites, but Balaam pronounced a blessing each time instead (Nm 22–24). For supporting the Moabites in their actions, the Ammonites were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Dt 23:3; Neh 13:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite tribes of Gad and Reuben and the half-tribe of Manasseh were attracted to the fertile Transjordan region that had belonged to the Amorites and Bashan and decided to settle there on the Ammonite frontier (Nm 32; Dt 3:16; Jos 13:8-32). Subsequently they built an altar at the Jordan River, which the other tribes at first interpreted as an act of rebellion in that they appeared to be establishing a rival place of worship (Jos 22:10-34).<\/p>\n<p>Before the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the Ammonites evidently had not attained the same level of political organization and settled life as the neighboring Moabites and Edomites. Even as late as the seventh century <span>BC<\/span> the nation was essentially nomadic. Shortly after Israel settled in Canaan, the Ammonites allied with the Moabites and Amalekites when King Eglon of Moab tried to regain former Moabite territory at the north end of the Dead Sea (Jgs 3:12-13).<\/p>\n<p>By the end of the 12th century <span>BC<\/span> the Israelites, then securely established in the land of Canaan, angered God by their worship of the deities of the Syrians, Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Philistines (Jgs 10:6). The Ammonites, in their first recorded political expansion, launched an attack against Israel and were able to establish themselves in Gilead (Jgs 10:7-8). They then crossed the Jordan and attacked the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim (Jgs 10:9). In desperation the elders of Gilead turned for help to Jephthah, a social outcast but an able military leader (Jgs 11:1-11). He defeated the Ammonites so decisively that it was unnecessary for him to wage further campaigns against Ammonite settlements west of the Jordan (Jgs 11:12-33).<\/p>\n<p>Near the end of the 11th century an Ammonite king named Nahash came to power, determined to reestablish Ammonite dominion over Israelite settlements in Transjordan. He launched an aggressive military campaign around 1020 <span>BC<\/span> that took him as far north as Jabesh-gilead. The inhabitants of the town were willing to surrender to him but delayed their surrender to appeal for help from Saul, the recently consecrated Israelite king. Saul quickly organized an army and decisively defeated the Ammonites (1 Sm 11:1-11). The victory ensured freedom from Ammonite domination in the Jordan Valley for several centuries, although later in his reign Saul was forced to fight further battles with the enemies of Israel, including Ammonites (1 Sm 14:47-48).<\/p>\n<p>When David became king, he took silver and gold from the Ammonites, Philistines, and Amalekites, either as spoils or as tribute (2 Sm 8:11-12; 1 Chr 18:11). Soon thereafter, David sent Joab at the head of a strong army to devastate the Ammonite countryside and besiege the capital city of Rabbah (2 Sm 11:1; 1 Chr 20:2). The siege lasted many months, but Joab weakened the city and David then completed its capture (2 Sm 12:26-29). In a ceremony of capitulation the Ammonite king’s massive golden crown was placed on David’s head (2 Sm 12:30; 1 Chr 20:1). The conquered city was plundered, and its inhabitants were enslaved. Other Ammonite cities were taken, and the nation was added to the growing number of vassal states of Israel (2 Sm 12:31; 1 Chr 20:3). David appointed a governor over the Ammonites from the Ammonite royal family. Shobi, another son of Nahash (and therefore Hanun’s brother), became ruler of the Ammonites and aided David during his flight from Absalom’s rebellion (2 Sm 17:27). One of David’s best warriors was an Ammonite (2 Sm 23:37).<\/p>\n<p>Ammonite relations with Israel remained generally peaceful during the reign of Solomon, David’s successor, with the Ammonites undoubtedly sharing in the prosperity and wealth of that period. After the death of Solomon, the kingdom split apart under Rehoboam and was further weakened by a campaign of Shishak, king of Egypt, that swept through Palestine and also through Ammonite territory. Taking advantage of the situation, the Ammonites declared their independence from Israel and Judah. The Ammonites joined the Moabites and Meunites to make war against King Jehoshaphat of Judah (reigning 871–848 <span>BC<\/span>). In fear, Jehoshaphat sought help from God in prayer (2 Chr 20:1-12). The Ammonites and their allies began fighting among themselves and destroyed each other, leaving behind great spoils for Jehoshaphat and his people—which took three days to be carried away (2 Chr 20:22-25). Eventually the Ammonites recovered, so that by the end of the seventh century <span>BC<\/span>, Ammon had again become completely independent and was the dominant state of south Transjordan. Ammonite independence was short, however, for in 599 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the Babylonian Chronicle, Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar led his troops into Syria and began raiding southern Palestine. In 593 <span>BC<\/span>, the Ammonites met in Jerusalem with King Zedekiah of Judah and representatives from Edom, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon in a conspiracy to rebel against Babylon (Jer 27:1-3). The prophet Jeremiah warned them that God would cause their plan to fail (Jer 27:4-22). Nebuchadnezzar sent an army to crush the rebellion and attacked Jerusalem, which he destroyed after a lengthy and bitter siege (586 <span>BC<\/span>), deporting many Jews to Babylonia. Ammon was not immediately invaded, however, and many Judeans sought refuge there (Jer 40:11), including a man named Ishmael (Jer 40:13-16). Ishmael plotted with Baalis, king of Ammon, to assassinate Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadnezzar had appointed governor over Judea, now reduced to a province of Babylonia. After carrying out the assassination, Ishmael escaped to Ammon (Jer 41:1-15). Nebuchadnezzar then sent troops that sacked Rabbah and took captive many of the Ammonites. Though the city was not destroyed, the destruction of the countryside was thorough. In the third century <span>BC<\/span>, Arab invaders poured in and destroyed the remaining organized political structure, thus marking the end of Ammon as a semi-independent state.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AMMON, AMMONITES<\/h3>\n<p>A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the Ammonites and Israelites. The name occurred frequently in the ancient Near East from the middle of the second millennium on. One form was found in Assyrian inscriptions; other forms are seen in Ugaritic texts of the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, in the Mari texts, in the Amarna tablets, and in the Alalakh tablets.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites originated in the southern Transjordan region about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though these people were of mixed ancestry, the languages they spoke were closely related to Hebrew. Ammonite was written in the old Canaanite-Phoenician script, which could probably be read and understood by Israelites. Ammonites intermarried with Hebrews (1 Kgs 14:21, 31; 2 Chr 12:13), and their personal names reflected early Arabic influences.<\/p>\n<p>In language, ethnic background, and physical characteristics the Ammonites were difficult to distinguish from Amorites and were probably closely related. Both may have entered the land at about the same time, for when Joshua led the Israelites into Canaan, both the Ammonite kingdom and the Amorite kingdom of Heshbon were already well established.<\/p>\n<p>The OT states that the territory of Ammon was once occupied by a race of giants called Rephaim or Zamzummim, about whom almost nothing is known (Dt 2:20-21; “Zuzim,” Gn 14:5). The Genesis Apocryphon found among the Dead Sea Scrolls mentions them as one of the people defeated by the alliance of four kings (Gn 14:1, 5). The expedition of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam (Gn 14), broke the power of those giants and probably made the occupation of the land by Esau, Ammon, and Moab much easier. King Og was “of the remnant of the Rephaim” known to the Ammonites (Dt 3:11). His bed was evidently an object of veneration because of its unusual size.<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites arrived at Kadesh, they encountered the well-organized kingdom of Edom but were refused permission to pass through Edomite territory (Nm 20:14-21). They journeyed northward to Ammonite country, which was then occupied by the Amorite king Sihon. He also refused them permission to pass through his land, but the Israelites defeated him in battle and occupied his country (Nm 21:21-24). They were instructed by God through Moses not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Dt 2:19, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Continuing northward, the Israelites defeated King Og of Bashan (Dt 3:1-11), then went down to the Jordan Valley, where they camped on the plains of Moab. There Balak, king of Moab, hired a soothsayer, Balaam, to pronounce a curse on the Israelites, but Balaam pronounced a blessing each time instead (Nm 22–24). For supporting the Moabites in their actions, the Ammonites were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Dt 23:3; Neh 13:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite tribes of Gad and Reuben and the half-tribe of Manasseh were attracted to the fertile Transjordan region that had belonged to the Amorites and Bashan and decided to settle there on the Ammonite frontier (Nm 32; Dt 3:16; Jos 13:8-32). Subsequently they built an altar at the Jordan River, which the other tribes at first interpreted as an act of rebellion in that they appeared to be establishing a rival place of worship (Jos 22:10-34).<\/p>\n<p>Before the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the Ammonites evidently had not attained the same level of political organization and settled life as the neighboring Moabites and Edomites. Even as late as the seventh century <span>BC<\/span> the nation was essentially nomadic. Shortly after Israel settled in Canaan, the Ammonites allied with the Moabites and Amalekites when King Eglon of Moab tried to regain former Moabite territory at the north end of the Dead Sea (Jgs 3:12-13).<\/p>\n<p>By the end of the 12th century <span>BC<\/span> the Israelites, then securely established in the land of Canaan, angered God by their worship of the deities of the Syrians, Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Philistines (Jgs 10:6). The Ammonites, in their first recorded political expansion, launched an attack against Israel and were able to establish themselves in Gilead (Jgs 10:7-8). They then crossed the Jordan and attacked the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim (Jgs 10:9). In desperation the elders of Gilead turned for help to Jephthah, a social outcast but an able military leader (Jgs 11:1-11). He defeated the Ammonites so decisively that it was unnecessary for him to wage further campaigns against Ammonite settlements west of the Jordan (Jgs 11:12-33).<\/p>\n<p>Near the end of the 11th century an Ammonite king named Nahash came to power, determined to reestablish Ammonite dominion over Israelite settlements in Transjordan. He launched an aggressive military campaign around 1020 <span>BC<\/span> that took him as far north as Jabesh-gilead. The inhabitants of the town were willing to surrender to him but delayed their surrender to appeal for help from Saul, the recently consecrated Israelite king. Saul quickly organized an army and decisively defeated the Ammonites (1 Sm 11:1-11). The victory ensured freedom from Ammonite domination in the Jordan Valley for several centuries, although later in his reign Saul was forced to fight further battles with the enemies of Israel, including Ammonites (1 Sm 14:47-48).<\/p>\n<p>When David became king, he took silver and gold from the Ammonites, Philistines, and Amalekites, either as spoils or as tribute (2 Sm 8:11-12; 1 Chr 18:11). Soon thereafter, David sent Joab at the head of a strong army to devastate the Ammonite countryside and besiege the capital city of Rabbah (2 Sm 11:1; 1 Chr 20:2). The siege lasted many months, but Joab weakened the city and David then completed its capture (2 Sm 12:26-29). In a ceremony of capitulation the Ammonite king’s massive golden crown was placed on David’s head (2 Sm 12:30; 1 Chr 20:1). The conquered city was plundered, and its inhabitants were enslaved. Other Ammonite cities were taken, and the nation was added to the growing number of vassal states of Israel (2 Sm 12:31; 1 Chr 20:3). David appointed a governor over the Ammonites from the Ammonite royal family. Shobi, another son of Nahash (and therefore Hanun’s brother), became ruler of the Ammonites and aided David during his flight from Absalom’s rebellion (2 Sm 17:27). One of David’s best warriors was an Ammonite (2 Sm 23:37).<\/p>\n<p>Ammonite relations with Israel remained generally peaceful during the reign of Solomon, David’s successor, with the Ammonites undoubtedly sharing in the prosperity and wealth of that period. After the death of Solomon, the kingdom split apart under Rehoboam and was further weakened by a campaign of Shishak, king of Egypt, that swept through Palestine and also through Ammonite territory. Taking advantage of the situation, the Ammonites declared their independence from Israel and Judah. The Ammonites joined the Moabites and Meunites to make war against King Jehoshaphat of Judah (reigning 871–848 <span>BC<\/span>). In fear, Jehoshaphat sought help from God in prayer (2 Chr 20:1-12). The Ammonites and their allies began fighting among themselves and destroyed each other, leaving behind great spoils for Jehoshaphat and his people—which took three days to be carried away (2 Chr 20:22-25). Eventually the Ammonites recovered, so that by the end of the seventh century <span>BC<\/span>, Ammon had again become completely independent and was the dominant state of south Transjordan. Ammonite independence was short, however, for in 599 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the Babylonian Chronicle, Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar led his troops into Syria and began raiding southern Palestine. In 593 <span>BC<\/span>, the Ammonites met in Jerusalem with King Zedekiah of Judah and representatives from Edom, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon in a conspiracy to rebel against Babylon (Jer 27:1-3). The prophet Jeremiah warned them that God would cause their plan to fail (Jer 27:4-22). Nebuchadnezzar sent an army to crush the rebellion and attacked Jerusalem, which he destroyed after a lengthy and bitter siege (586 <span>BC<\/span>), deporting many Jews to Babylonia. Ammon was not immediately invaded, however, and many Judeans sought refuge there (Jer 40:11), including a man named Ishmael (Jer 40:13-16). Ishmael plotted with Baalis, king of Ammon, to assassinate Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadnezzar had appointed governor over Judea, now reduced to a province of Babylonia. After carrying out the assassination, Ishmael escaped to Ammon (Jer 41:1-15). Nebuchadnezzar then sent troops that sacked Rabbah and took captive many of the Ammonites. Though the city was not destroyed, the destruction of the countryside was thorough. In the third century <span>BC<\/span>, Arab invaders poured in and destroyed the remaining organized political structure, thus marking the end of Ammon as a semi-independent state.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AMMON, AMMONITES A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan. The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the ...","summary_en":"AMMON, AMMONITES A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan. The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21333,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45841,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:12","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","summary_en":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73467,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:12","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","summary_en":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101093,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:12","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","summary_en":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128719,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:12","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:12-28<\/strong> Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to them by the Lord (Deut 2:16-23). • Contrary to the Ammonite king’s contention, the Amorites, not Ammon or Moab, lived between the Arnon and Jabbok rivers at the time of the conquest. In response to Sihon’s refusal to let Israel pass, the Lord had given the land of the Amorite kings Sihon and Og to Israel. The Ammonite king had no legitimate quarrel with Israel.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","summary_en":"11:12-28 Jephthah initially tried to solve the problem by diplomatic rather than military means (cp. Deut 20:10-11). • Unlike the nomadic, marauding Midianites of Gideon’s day, the Ammonites were a settled tribe whose territory lay to the east of Israel’s holdings in Transjordan (east of the Jordan); Rabbah was the Ammonite capital. The Ammonites, like the Moabites (both descendants of Lot) and the Edomites (Esau’s descendants), were to be left alone, as their territories were assigned to the...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":60233,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Exodus as History","title_en":"The Exodus as History","content_ro":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","summary_en":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":87859,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Exodus as History","title_en":"The Exodus as History","content_ro":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","summary_en":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":115485,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Exodus as History","title_en":"The Exodus as History","content_ro":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","summary_en":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":143111,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Exodus as History","title_en":"The Exodus as History","content_ro":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Exodus as History<\/h3>\n<p>Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 <span>BC<\/span> to Rome in <span>AD<\/span> 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, and who is guiding its events to realize his purposes. How did the Israelites come to their unique concept of reality? Was it not through encounters with the true God in actual events of history? The most reasonable explanation for the distinctiveness of Israel’s understanding is that, as the Bible describes, God broke into their experience and showed himself to them in events that have been recorded as history.<\/p>\n<p>There is no report in Egyptian texts of the events the Bible describes, which has raised suspicions for many. But it would have been highly unusual at that time for a world power to report on their defeat at the hands of a group of slaves. The Bible’s historical reporting, with its inclusion of stories of Israel’s own disasters, is unlike anything else found in the ancient Near East.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology cannot prove that certain events happened, but it can demonstrate that conditions would have permitted the events to occur, and that is true of the book of Exodus and of the Bible in general. Egyptian records and archaeology neither confirm nor contradict the Bible’s record. However, the text of Exodus shows an intimate familiarity with Egyptian thought and culture, just as a historical record would.<\/p>\n<p>The writers of the Bible believed they were reporting actual events, and they expected their readers to understand them as such. Exodus 18:8-12 gives the first example of someone who put his faith in God because of a testimony to what had actually happened. Faith in God and in his inspired word, the Bible, has a strong historical basis. God has entered into history to act for the salvation of humanity. His acts include Israel’s exodus from Egypt and climax in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 14:15–15:21; 18:8-12; Judg 11:12-27; Acts 7:1-56<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","summary_en":"The Exodus as History Israel’s understanding of reality was radically different from that of all other ancient cultures. All of the other major cultures surrounding Israel—from Sumer in southern Mesopotamia in 2000 BC to Rome in AD 200—reached their view of reality by observing nature. They concluded that there were many gods and that all events go in unending cycles. Ancient Israel, by contrast, believed that there is one God who is distinct from the world, who made the world with purpose, a...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"15":[{"id":41049,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Moab and Ammon","title_en":"Moab and Ammon","content_ro":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","summary_ro":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","summary_en":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":68675,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Moab and Ammon","title_en":"Moab and Ammon","content_ro":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","summary_ro":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","summary_en":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96301,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Moab and Ammon","title_en":"Moab and Ammon","content_ro":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","summary_ro":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","summary_en":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":123927,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Moab and Ammon","title_en":"Moab and Ammon","content_ro":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Moab and Ammon<\/h3>\n<p>The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (see Num 21:13, 26). After Israel defeated Sihon, King Balak of Moab feared that Israel might conquer his land, and Moab waged war against them (Num 22:1–25:3; Josh 24:9). From that time onward, Moab and Israel were often in conflict (Judg 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3), but there were also periods of peace (Ruth 1:1-2) between them. A Moabite woman named Ruth displayed great kindness to her tragedy-plagued Israelite mother-in-law, Naomi, and she came to be part of the family line that produced King David and Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to Ammon, son of the younger daughter of Lot (Gen 19:36-38). They settled in an area of the Transjordan northeast of the Dead Sea. When the Israelites arrived in the area after leaving Egypt, God instructed them not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Deut 2:18-19, 37). The Ammonites helped the Moabites oppose Israel and were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Deut 23:3-6; Neh 13:1-2; see Num 22:1–25:3). Thereafter the Ammonites were frequent enemies of Israel (Judg 10–11; 1 Sam 11; 14:47; 1 Chr 20:1-3; 2 Chr 20:1-24), though David seems to have allied with them for a time (2 Sam 17:27-29; 23:37).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deut 23:3-6<\/p>","summary_ro":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","summary_en":"Moab and Ammon The Moabites were descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter (Gen 19:36-38). They settled on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea. Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland divided by ravines. Even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, but its location on the King’s Highway was strategically important (see Num 21:21-22; Judg 11:15-18). Prior to the Israelites’ passage through the Transjordan, the Moabites were dominated...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":10097,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Edomites Edom","title_en":"Edomites Edom","content_ro":"<h3>EDOM, EDOMITES<\/h3>\n<p>Land and its inhabitants found on the high plateau to the south and southeast of the Dead Sea. The biblical term Edom, meaning “red,” denotes either the name of the land or the name of Esau, in remembrance of the red pottage or stew for which he exchanged his birthright (Gn 25:30; 36:1, 8, 19). The country of Edom was also known as Seir (Gn 32:3; 36:30; Nm 24:18).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>The northern boundary of Edom was the Wadi Zered, the “Brook of the Willows” (Is 15:7). In ancient geological times the area was thrust up to a considerable height, and dark-red sandstone cliffs were exposed along the western side where the land falls steeply into the Arabah, the southern extension of the deep depression in which the Dead Sea and the Jordan Valley lie. The Edom Plateau rises to over 5,000 feet (1,523.9 meters), reaching over 5,600 feet (1,706.8 meters) in places. The area divides into two unequal parts. The region of Punon forms something of a valley between the smaller northern part and the longer southern part. The northern section is not quite so high, though in a limited area near Radhadiyeh it reaches 5,300 feet (1,615.4 meters). The southern section is longer and generally higher, being over 5,000 feet (1,523.9 meters) throughout the central ridge and touching 5,687 feet (1,733.3 meters) at one point. To the east, the escarpment does not fall below 4,000 feet (1,219.1 meters), except in the north. The desert lies beyond and limits expansion eastward. To the west, the land falls away rather steeply into the Arabah. The extent of Edom to the west varied from time to time. It was comparatively easy to gain access to the Negev of southern Judah in this area, and Edomite encroachments were made from time to time. The southern frontier was marked by an extensive limestone scarp at the southern edge of the plateau. This ran eastward from Ain Gharandal in the Arabah. Beyond this barrier to the south lay rocky, uninhabitable desert, through which merchants must have journeyed to the port at Ezion-geber for trade.<\/p>\n<p>The land of Edom was, on the whole, inhospitable, though there were areas where farming could be undertaken, particularly to the northeast. Here herds of animals could be grazed. Edom’s wealth, however, came largely from the caravan trade that came up from the south and brought goods from India and South Arabia to the Mediterranean coast and Egypt. The important King’s Highway (Nm 21:22) passed through Edom on its way north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>Biblically, the name Edom does not appear in the genealogy in Genesis 10. It first appears in the story of Esau in Genesis 25:30. Esau was called Edom from the red color of the pottage for which he sold his birthright to his brother, Jacob. In Genesis 36 there is reference to an Edomite kingdom at a time well before the appearance of an Israelite kingdom, though it is possible that the “chiefs” of Edom were tribal chieftains or non-dynastic leaders like the Israelite judges.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest nonbiblical references come from Egypt and seem to confirm this. Amarna Letter 288 (early 14th century <span>BC<\/span>) refers to the “lands of Seir,” and the crossing of the Shashu tribes of Edom into Egypt is mentioned by Seti II (1214–1208 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses III (1198–1166 <span>BC<\/span>). There are no Egyptian references to towns or rulers, only to tribal Bedouin from Seir-Edom. There is some evidence that Ramses II was in Transjordan about 1280–1270 <span>BC<\/span>, but there is no clear evidence that there was a centralized government before the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. Rather, the land was occupied mainly by seminomadic people. From then on, permanent settlements began to appear, a fact that has relevance for the date of the exodus. The Song of Moses in Exodus 15 refers to the “chiefs of Edom.” By the time of the exodus, there appears to have been a kingdom of Edom (Nm 20:14, 18, 20-23; 33:37; 34:3). The Israelites skirted Edom on their journey to the Promised Land (Jgs 5:4; 11:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>At the time of the rise of the Israelite monarchy, Saul fought successfully against Edom (1 Sm 14:47). Doeg the Edomite was the chief of Saul’s herdsmen (21:7; 22:9, 18-22). At the beginning of the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>, David defeated Edom in the Valley of Salt and killed many Edomites (2 Sm 8:13; 1 Chr 18:12). Thereafter, David placed garrisons in Edom, and the Edomites became his subjects (2 Sm 8:14). It is not clear whether David saw in these people a military threat or whether he was interested in the supply of copper from their land and the potential wealth that would flow from the caravan traffic passing through Edom. David’s successes resulted in the flight of a certain Hadad, who was “of the royal house of Edom” to Egypt (1 Kgs 11:14-17), where he married a member of the Egyptian royal family (vv 18-20). On David’s death, Hadad returned to Edom, where he became king. It would seem that a monarchical form of government had developed by David’s time. Solomon continued to exert influence in Edom. He had access to the port of Ezion-geber (9:26).<\/p>\n<p>The biblical records provide no information about Edom from the end of Solomon’s reign until the days of Jehoshaphat of Judah (872–848 <span>BC<\/span>). Jehoshaphat was able to occupy the port of Ezion-geber, although his ships were wrecked there, possibly by the Edomites (1 Kgs 22:48; 2 Chr 20:36-37). Israel combined with Judah and Edom in an unsuccessful campaign against King Mesha of Moab (2 Kgs 3:4-27). Edom was able to throw off Judah’s authority under King Jehoram (853–841 <span>BC<\/span>) and set up a king of its own (8:20-22). It remained independent until the days of King Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), who conquered Edom as far south as Sela, defeating a large army of the Edomites in the Valley of Salt (2 Kgs 14:7; 2 Chr 25:11-13). This gave Judah control of the copper mines in the Punon area. King Uzziah of Judah (792–740 <span>BC<\/span>) was able to push his control south to Elath (near Ezion-geber; 2 Kgs 14:22; 2 Chr 26:1-2). Before the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, in the days of Ahaz (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>), Edom defeated Judah and recovered Elath (2 Kgs 16:6). Thereafter, Judah lost control over Edom.<\/p>\n<p>During the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, the Assyrians began to move into Transjordan. About 800 <span>BC<\/span> Adad-nirari III (810–782 <span>BC<\/span>) claimed to have conquered several of these western states and to have imposed the payment of tribute. Then Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) received tribute from Qaus-malaku of Edom. Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) spoke of an unnamed ruler of Edom who was involved in the rebellion of Ashdod in 713 <span>BC<\/span>. Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) spoke of a certain Aiarammu, who brought gifts from Edom. Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) referred to Qaus-gabri, king of Edom, who came to Nineveh with 22 vassals to swear allegiance. Under Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>), Edom appears on Assyrian records. Thereafter, Assyria itself was defeated by the Babylonians. Under the Babylonians, Edom seems to have remained a subservient vassal, although in 594 it joined other small nations in discussing rebellion (Jer 27). When Nebuchadnezzar attacked these, however, Moab and Edom were not involved. In the overthrow of Jerusalem in 586, Edom remained neutral and even allowed some refugees from Judah to shelter there for a time (40:11). The prophet Obadiah castigated Edom for not assisting Judah at the time of the Babylonian invasion (Ob 1:11). Instead, they raided Judah, handed over captives to Babylon, and possessed lands in the Negev area to the south (Ez 35).<\/p>\n<p>A long history of enmity existed between Judah and Edom, and several prophets spoke unfavorably about Edom (Is 11:14; 34:5-17; Ez 32:29; Jl 3:19; Am 1:11-12; Mal 1:2-4). In the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, Edom entered a period of decline. Several cities were abandoned. At the same time Edomite colonies west of the Arabah in the southern hill country of Judah emerged, and by Roman times there was a province of Idumea, which was the descendant of the Persian province of Edom, with its administrative center at Lachish. In the old Edomite homeland, Arab groups began to move in. Finally, ancient Edom became the home of the Nabateans.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EDOM, EDOMITES<\/h3>\n<p>Land and its inhabitants found on the high plateau to the south and southeast of the Dead Sea. The biblical term Edom, meaning “red,” denotes either the name of the land or the name of Esau, in remembrance of the red pottage or stew for which he exchanged his birthright (Gn 25:30; 36:1, 8, 19). The country of Edom was also known as Seir (Gn 32:3; 36:30; Nm 24:18).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>The northern boundary of Edom was the Wadi Zered, the “Brook of the Willows” (Is 15:7). In ancient geological times the area was thrust up to a considerable height, and dark-red sandstone cliffs were exposed along the western side where the land falls steeply into the Arabah, the southern extension of the deep depression in which the Dead Sea and the Jordan Valley lie. The Edom Plateau rises to over 5,000 feet (1,523.9 meters), reaching over 5,600 feet (1,706.8 meters) in places. The area divides into two unequal parts. The region of Punon forms something of a valley between the smaller northern part and the longer southern part. The northern section is not quite so high, though in a limited area near Radhadiyeh it reaches 5,300 feet (1,615.4 meters). The southern section is longer and generally higher, being over 5,000 feet (1,523.9 meters) throughout the central ridge and touching 5,687 feet (1,733.3 meters) at one point. To the east, the escarpment does not fall below 4,000 feet (1,219.1 meters), except in the north. The desert lies beyond and limits expansion eastward. To the west, the land falls away rather steeply into the Arabah. The extent of Edom to the west varied from time to time. It was comparatively easy to gain access to the Negev of southern Judah in this area, and Edomite encroachments were made from time to time. The southern frontier was marked by an extensive limestone scarp at the southern edge of the plateau. This ran eastward from Ain Gharandal in the Arabah. Beyond this barrier to the south lay rocky, uninhabitable desert, through which merchants must have journeyed to the port at Ezion-geber for trade.<\/p>\n<p>The land of Edom was, on the whole, inhospitable, though there were areas where farming could be undertaken, particularly to the northeast. Here herds of animals could be grazed. Edom’s wealth, however, came largely from the caravan trade that came up from the south and brought goods from India and South Arabia to the Mediterranean coast and Egypt. The important King’s Highway (Nm 21:22) passed through Edom on its way north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>Biblically, the name Edom does not appear in the genealogy in Genesis 10. It first appears in the story of Esau in Genesis 25:30. Esau was called Edom from the red color of the pottage for which he sold his birthright to his brother, Jacob. In Genesis 36 there is reference to an Edomite kingdom at a time well before the appearance of an Israelite kingdom, though it is possible that the “chiefs” of Edom were tribal chieftains or non-dynastic leaders like the Israelite judges.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest nonbiblical references come from Egypt and seem to confirm this. Amarna Letter 288 (early 14th century <span>BC<\/span>) refers to the “lands of Seir,” and the crossing of the Shashu tribes of Edom into Egypt is mentioned by Seti II (1214–1208 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses III (1198–1166 <span>BC<\/span>). There are no Egyptian references to towns or rulers, only to tribal Bedouin from Seir-Edom. There is some evidence that Ramses II was in Transjordan about 1280–1270 <span>BC<\/span>, but there is no clear evidence that there was a centralized government before the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. Rather, the land was occupied mainly by seminomadic people. From then on, permanent settlements began to appear, a fact that has relevance for the date of the exodus. The Song of Moses in Exodus 15 refers to the “chiefs of Edom.” By the time of the exodus, there appears to have been a kingdom of Edom (Nm 20:14, 18, 20-23; 33:37; 34:3). The Israelites skirted Edom on their journey to the Promised Land (Jgs 5:4; 11:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>At the time of the rise of the Israelite monarchy, Saul fought successfully against Edom (1 Sm 14:47). Doeg the Edomite was the chief of Saul’s herdsmen (21:7; 22:9, 18-22). At the beginning of the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>, David defeated Edom in the Valley of Salt and killed many Edomites (2 Sm 8:13; 1 Chr 18:12). Thereafter, David placed garrisons in Edom, and the Edomites became his subjects (2 Sm 8:14). It is not clear whether David saw in these people a military threat or whether he was interested in the supply of copper from their land and the potential wealth that would flow from the caravan traffic passing through Edom. David’s successes resulted in the flight of a certain Hadad, who was “of the royal house of Edom” to Egypt (1 Kgs 11:14-17), where he married a member of the Egyptian royal family (vv 18-20). On David’s death, Hadad returned to Edom, where he became king. It would seem that a monarchical form of government had developed by David’s time. Solomon continued to exert influence in Edom. He had access to the port of Ezion-geber (9:26).<\/p>\n<p>The biblical records provide no information about Edom from the end of Solomon’s reign until the days of Jehoshaphat of Judah (872–848 <span>BC<\/span>). Jehoshaphat was able to occupy the port of Ezion-geber, although his ships were wrecked there, possibly by the Edomites (1 Kgs 22:48; 2 Chr 20:36-37). Israel combined with Judah and Edom in an unsuccessful campaign against King Mesha of Moab (2 Kgs 3:4-27). Edom was able to throw off Judah’s authority under King Jehoram (853–841 <span>BC<\/span>) and set up a king of its own (8:20-22). It remained independent until the days of King Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), who conquered Edom as far south as Sela, defeating a large army of the Edomites in the Valley of Salt (2 Kgs 14:7; 2 Chr 25:11-13). This gave Judah control of the copper mines in the Punon area. King Uzziah of Judah (792–740 <span>BC<\/span>) was able to push his control south to Elath (near Ezion-geber; 2 Kgs 14:22; 2 Chr 26:1-2). Before the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, in the days of Ahaz (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>), Edom defeated Judah and recovered Elath (2 Kgs 16:6). Thereafter, Judah lost control over Edom.<\/p>\n<p>During the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, the Assyrians began to move into Transjordan. About 800 <span>BC<\/span> Adad-nirari III (810–782 <span>BC<\/span>) claimed to have conquered several of these western states and to have imposed the payment of tribute. Then Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) received tribute from Qaus-malaku of Edom. Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) spoke of an unnamed ruler of Edom who was involved in the rebellion of Ashdod in 713 <span>BC<\/span>. Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) spoke of a certain Aiarammu, who brought gifts from Edom. Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) referred to Qaus-gabri, king of Edom, who came to Nineveh with 22 vassals to swear allegiance. Under Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>), Edom appears on Assyrian records. Thereafter, Assyria itself was defeated by the Babylonians. Under the Babylonians, Edom seems to have remained a subservient vassal, although in 594 it joined other small nations in discussing rebellion (Jer 27). When Nebuchadnezzar attacked these, however, Moab and Edom were not involved. In the overthrow of Jerusalem in 586, Edom remained neutral and even allowed some refugees from Judah to shelter there for a time (40:11). The prophet Obadiah castigated Edom for not assisting Judah at the time of the Babylonian invasion (Ob 1:11). Instead, they raided Judah, handed over captives to Babylon, and possessed lands in the Negev area to the south (Ez 35).<\/p>\n<p>A long history of enmity existed between Judah and Edom, and several prophets spoke unfavorably about Edom (Is 11:14; 34:5-17; Ez 32:29; Jl 3:19; Am 1:11-12; Mal 1:2-4). In the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, Edom entered a period of decline. Several cities were abandoned. At the same time Edomite colonies west of the Arabah in the southern hill country of Judah emerged, and by Roman times there was a province of Idumea, which was the descendant of the Persian province of Edom, with its administrative center at Lachish. In the old Edomite homeland, Arab groups began to move in. Finally, ancient Edom became the home of the Nabateans.<\/p>","summary_ro":"EDOM, EDOMITES Land and its inhabitants found on the high plateau to the south and southeast of the Dead Sea. The biblical term Edom, meaning “red,” denotes either the name of the land or the name of Esau, in remembrance of the red pottage or stew for which he exchanged his birthright (Gn 25:30; 36:1, 8, 19). The country of Edom was also known as Seir (Gn 32:3; 36:30; Nm 24:18). Geography The northern boundary of Edom was the Wadi Zered, the “Brook of the Willows” (Is 15:7). In ancient geolog...","summary_en":"EDOM, EDOMITES Land and its inhabitants found on the high plateau to the south and southeast of the Dead Sea. The biblical term Edom, meaning “red,” denotes either the name of the land or the name of Esau, in remembrance of the red pottage or stew for which he exchanged his birthright (Gn 25:30; 36:1, 8, 19). The country of Edom was also known as Seir (Gn 32:3; 36:30; Nm 24:18). Geography The northern boundary of Edom was the Wadi Zered, the “Brook of the Willows” (Is 15:7). In ancient geolog...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26137,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Moabites Moab","title_en":"Moabites Moab","content_ro":"<h3>MOAB, MOABITES<\/h3>\n<p>Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern border in times of weakness. The kingdom’s eastern boundary was formed by the fringe of the Syrian desert, since the latter demarcated Moab’s agricultural zone. On the south, Moab was separated from Edom by the Zered River (modern Wadi el-Hesa). Thus, even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, measuring only about 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) north-south by about 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) east-west.<\/p>\n<p>Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland that is divided by numerous ravines. Running through the heart of Moab is the King’s Highway, a route that probably had military and commercial importance throughout this region’s history (Nm 21:21-22; Jgs 11:17). The plateau has always been famous for its abundant pasturage (2 Kgs 3:4), and Moab’s soil and climate are quite suitable for growing wheat and barley.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandHistory\">Origin and History<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 19:37, the Moabites descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter. Deuteronomy 2:10-11, a passage whose context relates to the Moabites at the time of the Hebrew invasion, says that the pre-Moabite inhabitants of this region were the Emim, but the connection between Lot’s descendants, the Emim, and the occupants of Moab at the time of the Hebrew invasion is not identified. There is thus far no specific information concerning the establishing of the Moabite kingdom proper, which existed from around 1300 <span>BC<\/span> to 600 <span>BC<\/span>. Knowledge of this period of Moabite history and culture is derived from archaeological and textual sources, including Egyptian, Assyrian, and OT texts.<\/p>\n<p>Prior to the Israelites’ passage through Transjordan, the Moabites had lost control of the land north of the Arnon and were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (Nm 21:13, 26). Having been refused permission to travel through Edom and Moab along the King’s Highway, the Hebrews defeated Sihon in one of their most celebrated military campaigns. Fearing that Israel might conquer his land, King Balak of Moab waged war against the Hebrews (Nm 22:6; Jos 24:9) and hired the Mesopotamian diviner, Balaam, to pronounce a curse upon his enemies (Nm 22–24). The tribes of Reuben and Gad settled in Sihon’s territory, and the Arnon formed the border between Israel and Moab (ch 32). From the time of the Israelites’ apostasy at Shittim onward (ch 25), the Moabite tableland north of the Arnon was a source of contention between Moab and Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Until his assassination by Ehud, the Moabite king Eglon oppressed the Hebrew tribes on both sides of the Jordan (Jgs 3:12-30). By Jephthah’s day, northern Moab was once again under Israelite control (11:26). Obviously, as the book of Ruth indicates, there were also periods in which Moab and Israel lived in peace.<\/p>\n<p>During the reigns of Saul and David, from the late-11th until the mid-10th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, Moab and Israel were at war, with the latter usually holding the upper hand (1 Sm 14:47; 2 Sm 8:2). Solomon’s harem included Moabite women, and he also built a high place for Chemosh, the chief god of the Moabites (1 Kgs 11:1, 7). Following the division of the Israelite monarchy in 930 <span>BC<\/span>, Moab experienced a brief period of independence, but this ended when Omri and Ahab dominated the Moabites and their king, Mesha, during the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. (The famous Moabite Stone, which describes Mesha’s conflict with the Omride dynasty, and several shorter texts demonstrate that the language of Moab was closely related to OT Hebrew.) Conflict between Moab and her neighbors (e.g., Israel, Judah, Edom, and most importantly, Assyria) continued until the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the Moabite kingdom early in the sixth century <span>BC<\/span> (Ez 25:8-11). This conflict is documented in the Assyrian literature, which indicates that Moab became an Assyrian vassal in the late eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, and in the OT (2 Kgs 3; 10:32-33; 13:20; 24:2). Indeed, the enmity between Moab, Israel, and Judah is especially evident in a series of prophetic oracles leveled against the Moabites (Is 15–16; Jer 9:25-26; 48; Am 2:1-3; Zep 2:8-11). These passages call attention to some of the major towns in ancient Moab (Nebo, Medeba, Heshbon, Dibon, Ar, Kir, and Horonaim).<\/p>\n<p>Following the Babylonian conquest, the region of Moab fell under Persian control and was occupied by various Arab peoples, most notably the Nabateans. Although a Moabite state was never reestablished, people of Moabite ancestry were recognized in late OT times (Ezr 9:1; Neh 13:1, 23), since the postexilic Jewish community was concerned about observing the law recorded in Deuteronomy 23:3-6. In <span>AD<\/span> 106 the region of Moab became part of the Roman province of Arabia. Archaeological research has added much to the body of information that relates to Moabite history and culture from the prehistoric through Ottoman periods.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Religion\">Religion<\/p>\n<p>During the third and second millennia <span>BC<\/span>, Moabite religion was probably similar to that practiced by the Canaanites, though the religion of Moab eventually developed into a relatively distinct system. Although other deities were worshiped by the Moabites, Chemosh was their national god. The OT refers to the Moabites as “people of Chemosh” (Nm 21:29; Jer 48:46), and the frequent appearance of “Chemosh” in Moabite personal names points to this god’s elevated status. In general, the Moabite Stone’s dozen references to Chemosh portray him as a god of war who leads his people against their enemies.<\/p>\n<p>Divine guidance and favor were sought, and diviners and oracles were respected (Nm 22–24). A priesthood (Jer 48:7) and sacrificial system (Nm 22:40–23:30; 25:1-5; 2 Kgs 3:27; Jer 48:35) were important aspects of Moabite religion. No Moabite sanctuary has been discovered, but their existence is mentioned in the Moabite Stone and the OT (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:13). Elaborately furnished tombs, like those found at Dibon, point to the Moabites’ belief in the afterlife.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moabite Stone.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MOAB, MOABITES<\/h3>\n<p>Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern border in times of weakness. The kingdom’s eastern boundary was formed by the fringe of the Syrian desert, since the latter demarcated Moab’s agricultural zone. On the south, Moab was separated from Edom by the Zered River (modern Wadi el-Hesa). Thus, even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, measuring only about 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) north-south by about 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) east-west.<\/p>\n<p>Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland that is divided by numerous ravines. Running through the heart of Moab is the King’s Highway, a route that probably had military and commercial importance throughout this region’s history (Nm 21:21-22; Jgs 11:17). The plateau has always been famous for its abundant pasturage (2 Kgs 3:4), and Moab’s soil and climate are quite suitable for growing wheat and barley.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandHistory\">Origin and History<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 19:37, the Moabites descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter. Deuteronomy 2:10-11, a passage whose context relates to the Moabites at the time of the Hebrew invasion, says that the pre-Moabite inhabitants of this region were the Emim, but the connection between Lot’s descendants, the Emim, and the occupants of Moab at the time of the Hebrew invasion is not identified. There is thus far no specific information concerning the establishing of the Moabite kingdom proper, which existed from around 1300 <span>BC<\/span> to 600 <span>BC<\/span>. Knowledge of this period of Moabite history and culture is derived from archaeological and textual sources, including Egyptian, Assyrian, and OT texts.<\/p>\n<p>Prior to the Israelites’ passage through Transjordan, the Moabites had lost control of the land north of the Arnon and were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (Nm 21:13, 26). Having been refused permission to travel through Edom and Moab along the King’s Highway, the Hebrews defeated Sihon in one of their most celebrated military campaigns. Fearing that Israel might conquer his land, King Balak of Moab waged war against the Hebrews (Nm 22:6; Jos 24:9) and hired the Mesopotamian diviner, Balaam, to pronounce a curse upon his enemies (Nm 22–24). The tribes of Reuben and Gad settled in Sihon’s territory, and the Arnon formed the border between Israel and Moab (ch 32). From the time of the Israelites’ apostasy at Shittim onward (ch 25), the Moabite tableland north of the Arnon was a source of contention between Moab and Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Until his assassination by Ehud, the Moabite king Eglon oppressed the Hebrew tribes on both sides of the Jordan (Jgs 3:12-30). By Jephthah’s day, northern Moab was once again under Israelite control (11:26). Obviously, as the book of Ruth indicates, there were also periods in which Moab and Israel lived in peace.<\/p>\n<p>During the reigns of Saul and David, from the late-11th until the mid-10th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, Moab and Israel were at war, with the latter usually holding the upper hand (1 Sm 14:47; 2 Sm 8:2). Solomon’s harem included Moabite women, and he also built a high place for Chemosh, the chief god of the Moabites (1 Kgs 11:1, 7). Following the division of the Israelite monarchy in 930 <span>BC<\/span>, Moab experienced a brief period of independence, but this ended when Omri and Ahab dominated the Moabites and their king, Mesha, during the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. (The famous Moabite Stone, which describes Mesha’s conflict with the Omride dynasty, and several shorter texts demonstrate that the language of Moab was closely related to OT Hebrew.) Conflict between Moab and her neighbors (e.g., Israel, Judah, Edom, and most importantly, Assyria) continued until the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the Moabite kingdom early in the sixth century <span>BC<\/span> (Ez 25:8-11). This conflict is documented in the Assyrian literature, which indicates that Moab became an Assyrian vassal in the late eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, and in the OT (2 Kgs 3; 10:32-33; 13:20; 24:2). Indeed, the enmity between Moab, Israel, and Judah is especially evident in a series of prophetic oracles leveled against the Moabites (Is 15–16; Jer 9:25-26; 48; Am 2:1-3; Zep 2:8-11). These passages call attention to some of the major towns in ancient Moab (Nebo, Medeba, Heshbon, Dibon, Ar, Kir, and Horonaim).<\/p>\n<p>Following the Babylonian conquest, the region of Moab fell under Persian control and was occupied by various Arab peoples, most notably the Nabateans. Although a Moabite state was never reestablished, people of Moabite ancestry were recognized in late OT times (Ezr 9:1; Neh 13:1, 23), since the postexilic Jewish community was concerned about observing the law recorded in Deuteronomy 23:3-6. In <span>AD<\/span> 106 the region of Moab became part of the Roman province of Arabia. Archaeological research has added much to the body of information that relates to Moabite history and culture from the prehistoric through Ottoman periods.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Religion\">Religion<\/p>\n<p>During the third and second millennia <span>BC<\/span>, Moabite religion was probably similar to that practiced by the Canaanites, though the religion of Moab eventually developed into a relatively distinct system. Although other deities were worshiped by the Moabites, Chemosh was their national god. The OT refers to the Moabites as “people of Chemosh” (Nm 21:29; Jer 48:46), and the frequent appearance of “Chemosh” in Moabite personal names points to this god’s elevated status. In general, the Moabite Stone’s dozen references to Chemosh portray him as a god of war who leads his people against their enemies.<\/p>\n<p>Divine guidance and favor were sought, and diviners and oracles were respected (Nm 22–24). A priesthood (Jer 48:7) and sacrificial system (Nm 22:40–23:30; 25:1-5; 2 Kgs 3:27; Jer 48:35) were important aspects of Moabite religion. No Moabite sanctuary has been discovered, but their existence is mentioned in the Moabite Stone and the OT (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:13). Elaborately furnished tombs, like those found at Dibon, point to the Moabites’ belief in the afterlife.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moabite Stone.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MOAB, MOABITES Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern ...","summary_en":"MOAB, MOABITES Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern ...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45842,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","summary_en":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73468,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","summary_en":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101094,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","summary_en":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128720,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:17<\/strong> <em>Kadesh<\/em> had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">qadesh<\/span> (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","summary_en":"11:17 Kadesh had been Israel’s base for spying out the land (Num 32:8; Deut 1:19; 2:14). The name comes from the Hebrew root qadesh (“holy”) and presumably is named for a shrine.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"19":[{"id":18184,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jabbok","title_en":"Jabbok","content_ro":"<h3>JABBOK<\/h3>\n<p>Eastern tributary of the Jordan, the modern Nahr ez-Zerqa or Blue River. Its source is a spring near Amman, capital of modern Jordan (the Decapolis town of Philadelphia in Hellenistic times). From its source the Jabbok loops northeast before swinging west and cutting a valley that, characteristic of the east Jordan tributary streams, deepens into a canyon. It emerges from this ravine near Tell Deir Alla, which may be the ancient Succoth, quiets its flow, and joins the Jordan at ed-Damiyeh, the ancient Adam, some 15 miles (24 kilometers) north of the Dead Sea. The Jabbok ranks next to the Yarmuk, its more northerly companion stream, in the extent of its watershed, a region of well-watered territory blessed with an average rainfall of some 30 inches (76 centimeters) per year. The Jabbok has a fast, strong, perennial flow; over a large portion of its 60-mile (96.5-kilometer) course, the stream averages an 80-foot (24.4-meter) drop over each mile. The loop of the river north of Amman (biblical Rabbah) was an Ammonite frontier (Nm 21:24). The river separated the kingdoms of Sihon and Og (Jgs 11:19-22; cf. Dt 3:1-2, 8-10), land in Gilead that was later divided among the tribes of Gad, Reuben, and the half-tribe of Manasseh (Dt 3:12, 16; Jos 12:2-6).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jordan River.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JABBOK<\/h3>\n<p>Eastern tributary of the Jordan, the modern Nahr ez-Zerqa or Blue River. Its source is a spring near Amman, capital of modern Jordan (the Decapolis town of Philadelphia in Hellenistic times). From its source the Jabbok loops northeast before swinging west and cutting a valley that, characteristic of the east Jordan tributary streams, deepens into a canyon. It emerges from this ravine near Tell Deir Alla, which may be the ancient Succoth, quiets its flow, and joins the Jordan at ed-Damiyeh, the ancient Adam, some 15 miles (24 kilometers) north of the Dead Sea. The Jabbok ranks next to the Yarmuk, its more northerly companion stream, in the extent of its watershed, a region of well-watered territory blessed with an average rainfall of some 30 inches (76 centimeters) per year. The Jabbok has a fast, strong, perennial flow; over a large portion of its 60-mile (96.5-kilometer) course, the stream averages an 80-foot (24.4-meter) drop over each mile. The loop of the river north of Amman (biblical Rabbah) was an Ammonite frontier (Nm 21:24). The river separated the kingdoms of Sihon and Og (Jgs 11:19-22; cf. Dt 3:1-2, 8-10), land in Gilead that was later divided among the tribes of Gad, Reuben, and the half-tribe of Manasseh (Dt 3:12, 16; Jos 12:2-6).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jordan River.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JABBOK Eastern tributary of the Jordan, the modern Nahr ez-Zerqa or Blue River. Its source is a spring near Amman, capital of modern Jordan (the Decapolis town of Philadelphia in Hellenistic times). From its source the Jabbok loops northeast before swinging west and cutting a valley that, characteristic of the east Jordan tributary streams, deepens into a canyon. It emerges from this ravine near Tell Deir Alla, which may be the ancient Succoth, quiets its flow, and joins the Jordan at ed-Dami...","summary_en":"JABBOK Eastern tributary of the Jordan, the modern Nahr ez-Zerqa or Blue River. Its source is a spring near Amman, capital of modern Jordan (the Decapolis town of Philadelphia in Hellenistic times). From its source the Jabbok loops northeast before swinging west and cutting a valley that, characteristic of the east Jordan tributary streams, deepens into a canyon. It emerges from this ravine near Tell Deir Alla, which may be the ancient Succoth, quiets its flow, and joins the Jordan at ed-Dami...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"20":[{"id":18310,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jahaz","title_en":"Jahaz","content_ro":"<h3>JAHAZ<\/h3>\n<p>Town east of the Dead Sea (in modern Jordan) where the Israelites defeated Sihon, king of the Amorites, when he refused to permit them to pass through his land (Nm 21:23; Dt 2:32; Jgs 11:20). According to Joshua 13:18, Moses gave the town to Reuben’s tribe as part of its allotment. The town with its surrounding pasturelands was given to the Merarite Levites (Jos 21:36; 1 Chr 6:78).<\/p>\n<p>In later times, in prophetic oracles by both Isaiah (Is 15:4) and Jeremiah (Jer 48:21), it is referred to as a city in the land of Moab. This may indicate that it was taken from Israel by Moab (to whom it apparently belonged before Sihon conquered it). The town is mentioned on the Moabite Stone (known as the Dibon Stele and dating to c. 845 <span>BC<\/span>) as the place where Mesha, king of Moab, had lived while at war with Israel. According to Mesha, he took Jahaz from Israel and added it to his own territory.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JAHAZ<\/h3>\n<p>Town east of the Dead Sea (in modern Jordan) where the Israelites defeated Sihon, king of the Amorites, when he refused to permit them to pass through his land (Nm 21:23; Dt 2:32; Jgs 11:20). According to Joshua 13:18, Moses gave the town to Reuben’s tribe as part of its allotment. The town with its surrounding pasturelands was given to the Merarite Levites (Jos 21:36; 1 Chr 6:78).<\/p>\n<p>In later times, in prophetic oracles by both Isaiah (Is 15:4) and Jeremiah (Jer 48:21), it is referred to as a city in the land of Moab. This may indicate that it was taken from Israel by Moab (to whom it apparently belonged before Sihon conquered it). The town is mentioned on the Moabite Stone (known as the Dibon Stele and dating to c. 845 <span>BC<\/span>) as the place where Mesha, king of Moab, had lived while at war with Israel. According to Mesha, he took Jahaz from Israel and added it to his own territory.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JAHAZ Town east of the Dead Sea (in modern Jordan) where the Israelites defeated Sihon, king of the Amorites, when he refused to permit them to pass through his land (Nm 21:23; Dt 2:32; Jgs 11:20). According to Joshua 13:18, Moses gave the town to Reuben’s tribe as part of its allotment. The town with its surrounding pasturelands was given to the Merarite Levites (Jos 21:36; 1 Chr 6:78). In later times, in prophetic oracles by both Isaiah (Is 15:4) and Jeremiah (Jer 48:21), it is referred to ...","summary_en":"JAHAZ Town east of the Dead Sea (in modern Jordan) where the Israelites defeated Sihon, king of the Amorites, when he refused to permit them to pass through his land (Nm 21:23; Dt 2:32; Jgs 11:20). According to Joshua 13:18, Moses gave the town to Reuben’s tribe as part of its allotment. The town with its surrounding pasturelands was given to the Merarite Levites (Jos 21:36; 1 Chr 6:78). In later times, in prophetic oracles by both Isaiah (Is 15:4) and Jeremiah (Jer 48:21), it is referred to ...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"24":[{"id":6260,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Chemosh","title_en":"Chemosh","content_ro":"<h3>CHEMOSH<\/h3>\n<p>Name of the national god of Moab (Nm 21:29); also associated with the Ammonites (Jgs 11:24). <em>See<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moab, Moabites.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHEMOSH<\/h3>\n<p>Name of the national god of Moab (Nm 21:29); also associated with the Ammonites (Jgs 11:24). <em>See<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moab, Moabites.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHEMOSH Name of the national god of Moab (Nm 21:29); also associated with the Ammonites (Jgs 11:24). See Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moab, Moabites.","summary_en":"CHEMOSH Name of the national god of Moab (Nm 21:29); also associated with the Ammonites (Jgs 11:24). See Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moab, Moabites.","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26225,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Monotheism*","title_en":"Monotheism*","content_ro":"<h3>MONOTHEISM*<\/h3>\n<p>Belief that there is only one God. It is distinguished from polytheism, which posits the existence of more than one god; from henotheism, which worships one god without denying the existence of other gods; and from atheism, which denies the existence of any God. The three great monotheistic religions of the world are, in their historic order, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.<\/p>\n<p>If there is only one God, it follows that the deity is personal, sovereign, infinite, eternal, perfect, and almighty. This is, in fact, what Scripture declares of God in his essential being. It is only in the biblical revelation that we can know clearly and certainly who God is and what he is like. He must be distinct from the world (thus avoiding pantheism) in such a way that he is the only Creator and sustainer of the universe and the Lord of history. He is above and beyond his creation (divine transcendence), and yet he enters into time and human affairs (divine immanence). The biblical doctrine of monotheism is known both through historical events involving “the God who acts” for the salvation of the human race and through his verbal communication as “the God who speaks” to chosen servants for the instruction and edification of those who believe. It is in such dimensions that monotheism embraces the possibility and reality of direct encounter between the eternal and infinite God and the finite, sinful creature. The NT makes it clear that this is accomplished through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p>According to the Bible, man was originally a monotheist. No other conclusion is possible from the Genesis records (Gn 1–3). Polytheism developed later as a sinful corruption of the pristine belief in one true God, the God of Creation, revelation, and redemption. This corruption had set in at least by the time of Abraham, for God’s call of Abraham to leave Ur of the Chaldees and journey toward Canaan, the land God had promised him and his posterity, undoubtedly involved a break with the polytheism of his ancestors in the area of Ur (11:31–12:9).<\/p>\n<p>When Abraham reached Canaan, the Promised Land, he and his family found people worshiping a multitude of gods. Each ethnic grouping in Palestine had its own god or many gods (Gn 31:3-35; Jgs 11:24; 1 Sm 5:2-5; 1 Kgs 11:33). In their disobedience, the sons of Abraham were continually losing faith in God and lusting after the gods of the Canaanites or diluting the true worship of God with the heathen practices associated with the worship of the Canaanite gods (Gn 35:2-4; cf. Jos 24:2; 1 Kgs 16:30-33). One of the major roles of the prophets was to call the Jews back to true worship and faith in the one God, “the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob” (Ex 3:6, 15-16; cf. 1 Kgs 18:17-18). This reminder of their monotheistic heritage was constantly needed because of the ever-present danger of losing it through contact with the polytheistic beliefs and practices of their idolatrous neighbors. Such reminders were necessary even for leaders like David (1 Sm 26:19), and certainly for Solomon (1 Kgs 11:1-7) and later kings (12:28-32; 2 Kgs 10:31; 22:17).<\/p>\n<p>The early prophets did not clearly delineate a formal doctrine of monotheism; rather, they showed the importance and unreality of the pagan gods (1 Kgs 18:24). It was the eighth-century <span>BC<\/span> prophets who asserted a monotheistic faith in the face of a persistent polytheism. It was not until the time of the exile that the Jews were cured of their idolatrous polytheism, when their enemies took away their idols and demonstrated their impotence (Ps 115; Is 46). Then Israel learned that God alone was their refuge and help in the time of trouble, because he only is the true and living God who can save his people when they repent of their sins and obey the divine will.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> God, Being and Attributes of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MONOTHEISM*<\/h3>\n<p>Belief that there is only one God. It is distinguished from polytheism, which posits the existence of more than one god; from henotheism, which worships one god without denying the existence of other gods; and from atheism, which denies the existence of any God. The three great monotheistic religions of the world are, in their historic order, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.<\/p>\n<p>If there is only one God, it follows that the deity is personal, sovereign, infinite, eternal, perfect, and almighty. This is, in fact, what Scripture declares of God in his essential being. It is only in the biblical revelation that we can know clearly and certainly who God is and what he is like. He must be distinct from the world (thus avoiding pantheism) in such a way that he is the only Creator and sustainer of the universe and the Lord of history. He is above and beyond his creation (divine transcendence), and yet he enters into time and human affairs (divine immanence). The biblical doctrine of monotheism is known both through historical events involving “the God who acts” for the salvation of the human race and through his verbal communication as “the God who speaks” to chosen servants for the instruction and edification of those who believe. It is in such dimensions that monotheism embraces the possibility and reality of direct encounter between the eternal and infinite God and the finite, sinful creature. The NT makes it clear that this is accomplished through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p>According to the Bible, man was originally a monotheist. No other conclusion is possible from the Genesis records (Gn 1–3). Polytheism developed later as a sinful corruption of the pristine belief in one true God, the God of Creation, revelation, and redemption. This corruption had set in at least by the time of Abraham, for God’s call of Abraham to leave Ur of the Chaldees and journey toward Canaan, the land God had promised him and his posterity, undoubtedly involved a break with the polytheism of his ancestors in the area of Ur (11:31–12:9).<\/p>\n<p>When Abraham reached Canaan, the Promised Land, he and his family found people worshiping a multitude of gods. Each ethnic grouping in Palestine had its own god or many gods (Gn 31:3-35; Jgs 11:24; 1 Sm 5:2-5; 1 Kgs 11:33). In their disobedience, the sons of Abraham were continually losing faith in God and lusting after the gods of the Canaanites or diluting the true worship of God with the heathen practices associated with the worship of the Canaanite gods (Gn 35:2-4; cf. Jos 24:2; 1 Kgs 16:30-33). One of the major roles of the prophets was to call the Jews back to true worship and faith in the one God, “the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob” (Ex 3:6, 15-16; cf. 1 Kgs 18:17-18). This reminder of their monotheistic heritage was constantly needed because of the ever-present danger of losing it through contact with the polytheistic beliefs and practices of their idolatrous neighbors. Such reminders were necessary even for leaders like David (1 Sm 26:19), and certainly for Solomon (1 Kgs 11:1-7) and later kings (12:28-32; 2 Kgs 10:31; 22:17).<\/p>\n<p>The early prophets did not clearly delineate a formal doctrine of monotheism; rather, they showed the importance and unreality of the pagan gods (1 Kgs 18:24). It was the eighth-century <span>BC<\/span> prophets who asserted a monotheistic faith in the face of a persistent polytheism. It was not until the time of the exile that the Jews were cured of their idolatrous polytheism, when their enemies took away their idols and demonstrated their impotence (Ps 115; Is 46). Then Israel learned that God alone was their refuge and help in the time of trouble, because he only is the true and living God who can save his people when they repent of their sins and obey the divine will.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> God, Being and Attributes of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MONOTHEISM* Belief that there is only one God. It is distinguished from polytheism, which posits the existence of more than one god; from henotheism, which worships one god without denying the existence of other gods; and from atheism, which denies the existence of any God. The three great monotheistic religions of the world are, in their historic order, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. If there is only one God, it follows that the deity is personal, sovereign, infinite, eternal, perfect, an...","summary_en":"MONOTHEISM* Belief that there is only one God. It is distinguished from polytheism, which posits the existence of more than one god; from henotheism, which worships one god without denying the existence of other gods; and from atheism, which denies the existence of any God. The three great monotheistic religions of the world are, in their historic order, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. If there is only one God, it follows that the deity is personal, sovereign, infinite, eternal, perfect, an...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45843,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","summary_en":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73469,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","summary_en":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101095,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","summary_en":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128721,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:24<\/strong> <em>Chemosh<\/em> was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","summary_en":"11:24 Chemosh was the god of the related tribe of Moabites. If the land occupied by Israel east of the Jordan originally belonged to Moab (see study note on 11:25), the Ammonite king would still have regarded Chemosh as the god of that land. Whether Jephthah regarded Chemosh as a god or was accommodating himself to the king’s belief system is not clear.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":64686,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","title_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","summary_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":92312,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","title_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","summary_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":119938,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","title_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","summary_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":147564,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","title_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Sovereignty over All Nations<\/h3>\n<p>In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (Amos 9:7). God had created the entire cosmos, not just Israel (4:13; 5:8), so he was perfectly justified in requiring that nations conduct their affairs with justice and mercy (1:3–2:3).<\/p>\n<p>One heresy prevalent among the people of Judah and Israel was that, in spite of their sinfulness, God would eventually vindicate them because of his covenant with them (see Jer 7:4; Amos 3:1-2; 9:10). They developed a false theology of the day of the Lord: They thought that God’s intervention in history automatically meant deliverance for them and destruction for their enemies. Amos directly confronted this false notion of privilege (9:7; see also 5:18-20). The day of the Lord would not absolve sinful Israel; rather, God would use it to punish them.<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s position of privilege among the nations made them more responsible, not less. While the surrounding nations would be punished for their particularly grievous sins, Israel would be punished for all their sins (3:2). The New Testament further develops this theme of the greater responsibility of God’s people: Those who receive much are responsible for much (Luke 12:48; Jas 3:1).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 15:18; Deut 32:8; 1 Chr 29:11-12; 2 Chr 20:6; Pss 2:1-12; 7:6-8; 10:16; 22:28; 47:2; 83:18; 93:1-5; 103:19; Dan 2:20-21, 47; 4:34-37; Amos 9:7; Matt 28:18-20; Acts 17:24-26; 1 Tim 1:17; 6:15; Rev 15:3-4; 17:14; 19:16<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","summary_en":"God’s Sovereignty over All Nations In the ancient world, nations often considered religion in terms of a national god or gods. The king of Aram, for example, believed Israel’s “gods” were tied to the hills and would not be able to act elsewhere (1 Kgs 20:23). Jephthah demonstrated a pagan heritage by saying that the god Chemosh had given the Ammonites their land (Judg 11:24). The prophet Amos, by contrast, knew that God alone had brought the Philistines from Crete and the Arameans from Kir (A...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"25":[{"id":3531,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Balak","title_en":"Balak","content_ro":"<h3>BALAK<\/h3>\n<p>Zippor’s son, king of Moab. Balak became fearful after the Israelites defeated the Amorites, so he attempted to hire a soothsayer named Balaam to pronounce a curse against Israel (Nm 22:1-7). Balak escorted Balaam to three different mountains and offered three different sacrifices, only to have Balaam each time deliver a blessing to the Israelites (chs 22–24). Enraged, Balak sent Balaam away. That event was later remembered as an example of God’s special blessing on the Israelites and of the futility of trying to alter God’s will (Jos 24:9-10; Jgs 11:25; Mi 6:5; Rv 2:14).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Balaam.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BALAK<\/h3>\n<p>Zippor’s son, king of Moab. Balak became fearful after the Israelites defeated the Amorites, so he attempted to hire a soothsayer named Balaam to pronounce a curse against Israel (Nm 22:1-7). Balak escorted Balaam to three different mountains and offered three different sacrifices, only to have Balaam each time deliver a blessing to the Israelites (chs 22–24). Enraged, Balak sent Balaam away. That event was later remembered as an example of God’s special blessing on the Israelites and of the futility of trying to alter God’s will (Jos 24:9-10; Jgs 11:25; Mi 6:5; Rv 2:14).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Balaam.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BALAK Zippor’s son, king of Moab. Balak became fearful after the Israelites defeated the Amorites, so he attempted to hire a soothsayer named Balaam to pronounce a curse against Israel (Nm 22:1-7). Balak escorted Balaam to three different mountains and offered three different sacrifices, only to have Balaam each time deliver a blessing to the Israelites (chs 22–24). Enraged, Balak sent Balaam away. That event was later remembered as an example of God’s special blessing on the Israelites and o...","summary_en":"BALAK Zippor’s son, king of Moab. Balak became fearful after the Israelites defeated the Amorites, so he attempted to hire a soothsayer named Balaam to pronounce a curse against Israel (Nm 22:1-7). Balak escorted Balaam to three different mountains and offered three different sacrifices, only to have Balaam each time deliver a blessing to the Israelites (chs 22–24). Enraged, Balak sent Balaam away. That event was later remembered as an example of God’s special blessing on the Israelites and o...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39473,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zippor","title_en":"Zippor","content_ro":"<h3>ZIPPOR<\/h3>\n<p>Father of the Moabite king Balak. Balak called on Balaam to curse Israel (Nm 22:2, 10, 16; 23:18; Jos 24:9; Jgs 11:25).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZIPPOR<\/h3>\n<p>Father of the Moabite king Balak. Balak called on Balaam to curse Israel (Nm 22:2, 10, 16; 23:18; Jos 24:9; Jgs 11:25).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZIPPOR Father of the Moabite king Balak. Balak called on Balaam to curse Israel (Nm 22:2, 10, 16; 23:18; Jos 24:9; Jgs 11:25).","summary_en":"ZIPPOR Father of the Moabite king Balak. Balak called on Balaam to curse Israel (Nm 22:2, 10, 16; 23:18; Jos 24:9; Jgs 11:25).","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45844,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","summary_en":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73470,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","summary_en":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101096,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","summary_en":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128722,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:25<\/strong> <em>Moab<\/em> and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","summary_en":"11:25 Moab and Ammon were related (descendants of Lot). Moab, as opposed to Ammon, may have had a legitimate claim to the land that Israel occupied north of the Arnon, which was taken from them earlier by Sihon, king of the Amorites (Num 21:24). The Israelites had conquered Sihon and annexed the disputed territory, but Moab had not attempted to claim it. Neither should Ammon, because the land in question had never belonged to them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"26":[{"id":2766,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aroer","title_en":"Aroer","content_ro":"<h3>AROER<\/h3>\n<li>1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34).<\/li>\n<p>Aroer was the hub city for a number of villages (Jgs 11:26) and was the city from which the census began under King David (2 Sm 24:5). The Moabites gained control of it during the later monarchy and kept it until the time of Jeremiah (Jer 48:19). King Hazael of Damascus captured Aroer, assuring Syrian control of Transjordan (2 Kgs 10:33).<\/p>\n<p>Aroer has been identified with a mound beside the village ’Ara’ir, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) southeast of Dibon on the east side of the ancient north-south Transjordan highway.<\/p>\n<li>2. City assigned to Gad’s tribe (Jos 13:25), mentioned as a point of reference in Jephthah’s victory over the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). This Aroer has been tentatively placed in the area northwest of Amman and east of Rabbah.<\/li>\n<li>3. City in the Negev Desert area of Judah. Aroer was one of the villages receiving spoil taken in David’s victory over the Amalekites (1 Sm 30:28). Two of David’s “mighty men” were sons of Hotham the Aroerite (1 Chr 11:44). This Aroer has been identified with Khirbet ’Ar’areh, located about 12 miles (19 kilometers) southeast of Beersheba.<\/li>\n<li>4. City near Damascus (Is 17:2). The Hebrew text reads “the cities of Aroer,” but the Septuagint (ancient Greek OT) has “her cities for ever” (a reading adopted by the <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>AROER<\/h3>\n<li>1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34).<\/li>\n<p>Aroer was the hub city for a number of villages (Jgs 11:26) and was the city from which the census began under King David (2 Sm 24:5). The Moabites gained control of it during the later monarchy and kept it until the time of Jeremiah (Jer 48:19). King Hazael of Damascus captured Aroer, assuring Syrian control of Transjordan (2 Kgs 10:33).<\/p>\n<p>Aroer has been identified with a mound beside the village ’Ara’ir, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) southeast of Dibon on the east side of the ancient north-south Transjordan highway.<\/p>\n<li>2. City assigned to Gad’s tribe (Jos 13:25), mentioned as a point of reference in Jephthah’s victory over the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). This Aroer has been tentatively placed in the area northwest of Amman and east of Rabbah.<\/li>\n<li>3. City in the Negev Desert area of Judah. Aroer was one of the villages receiving spoil taken in David’s victory over the Amalekites (1 Sm 30:28). Two of David’s “mighty men” were sons of Hotham the Aroerite (1 Chr 11:44). This Aroer has been identified with Khirbet ’Ar’areh, located about 12 miles (19 kilometers) southeast of Beersheba.<\/li>\n<li>4. City near Damascus (Is 17:2). The Hebrew text reads “the cities of Aroer,” but the Septuagint (ancient Greek OT) has “her cities for ever” (a reading adopted by the <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/li>","summary_ro":"AROER 1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34). Aroe...","summary_en":"AROER 1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34). Aroe...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6440,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","title_en":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","content_ro":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","summary_en":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":7454,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Conquest and Allotment of the Land","title_en":"Conquest and Allotment of the Land","content_ro":"<h3>CONQUEST AND ALLOTMENT OF THE LAND<\/h3>\n<p>Terms referring to Israel’s winning of the Promised Land and the distinctive way in which it was divided among the Israelite tribes.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Conquest\">Conquest<\/p>\n<p>The conquest of Canaan by the Israelites is one of the most remarkable events of OT history: a loosely organized nomadic people successfully invaded a long-established culture secure in its protected urban centers. That achievement, according to the Scriptures, was the result of a promise God had made to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob that their descendants would possess the land (Gn 17:8; 26:4; 28:13; Ex 3:15-17). Dispossession of the pagan inhabitants was a divine judgment on false religion and its associated immorality (Dt 7:1-5).<\/p>\n<p>Scholars who attempt to reconstruct the history of the Conquest face certain problems. Critical scholarship has run into conflict with statements in the Bible at three key points: chronology, rate of occupation, and the issue of Israel’s military annihilation of portions of the population of the Canaanite city-states.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Reference works and scholarly treatments of OT history often suggest a date for the exodus from Egypt in the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> (1280 <span>BC<\/span> or later). Several biblical references to that event would seem to call for an earlier date. According to 1 Kings 6:1, construction of Solomon’s temple was begun in the fourth year of his reign, 480 years after the exodus. Since Solomon’s fourth year was about 960 <span>BC<\/span>, that would place the exodus at 1440 <span>BC<\/span>. In Judges 11:26-28, when Jephthah, eighth of the named judges, argued with the king of Ammon about Israelite possession of land east of the Jordan River, he indicated that Israel had occupied this territory 300 years. Saul’s accession to kingship about 1020 <span>BC<\/span> was still some decades off, so the later date proposed for the exodus does not allow sufficient time for the period of the judges. Further, the apostle Paul referred to a period of about 450 years from the exodus to Samuel’s day (Acts 13:20).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JoshuasCampaigns\">Joshua’s Campaigns<\/p>\n<p>A picture of a concentrated period for the Israelite conquest of Canaan is given in the book of Joshua. Yet many scholars insist that an earlier gradual penetration occurred (by Hebrews who supposedly did not accompany Jacob into Egypt), plus an extended mopping-up procedure that continued down to the time of the monarchy. Although the biblical record allows for later acquisitions in some areas (e.g., Megiddo and Beth-shan), there is no valid reason for rejecting the description of the major Conquest given in Joshua 1–12.<\/p>\n<p>The Conquest began on the east side of the Jordan River under Moses. After Moses’ death, Joshua led Israel across the river, capturing first the fortified cities of Jericho and Ai. Those strategic victories provided access to the hill country and drove a wedge into the middle of Canaan. Two major campaigns followed—a southern and then a northern—which won for Israel in six years’ time the key cities of Canaan, defeating 31 kings and concluding the initial and principal stage of the Conquest.<\/p>\n<p>Numbers 32 records the earlier assignment of territory east of the Jordan (Gilead and Bashan, acquired by the defeat of two kings, Sihon of the Amorites and Og of Bashan) to the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh. Though their land had already been acquired, the men of those tribes were obligated to cross the Jordan with the rest to participate in the military conquest of Canaan itself.<\/p>\n<p>Joshua 2–8 records the unusual events of the destruction of Jericho and Ai in the initial thrust westward. Those victories tended to demoralize the remaining cities of the land. Chapters 9 and 10 describe the southern campaign, including the Gibeonites’ procurement of a treaty by deception. Joshua 10, with its account of the remarkable rout of the enemy forces (vv 9-12) and miraculous prolonging of daylight, is the central passage about the southern campaign. In the subsequent battle, an alliance of five Amorite kings was crushed, the kings were killed, and the city-states of the area were destroyed, except for Jerusalem (later captured by David).<\/p>\n<p>In his northern campaign, Joshua confronted a more formidable alliance. Yet even Jabin, the powerful king of Hazor, largest of the Canaanite cities, supported by his local vassals, was no match for Israel’s armies. Joshua 11 describes that phase, then sums up the entire Conquest in verses 16-23 and on through chapter 12.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Allotment of the Land.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CONQUEST AND ALLOTMENT OF THE LAND<\/h3>\n<p>Terms referring to Israel’s winning of the Promised Land and the distinctive way in which it was divided among the Israelite tribes.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Conquest\">Conquest<\/p>\n<p>The conquest of Canaan by the Israelites is one of the most remarkable events of OT history: a loosely organized nomadic people successfully invaded a long-established culture secure in its protected urban centers. That achievement, according to the Scriptures, was the result of a promise God had made to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob that their descendants would possess the land (Gn 17:8; 26:4; 28:13; Ex 3:15-17). Dispossession of the pagan inhabitants was a divine judgment on false religion and its associated immorality (Dt 7:1-5).<\/p>\n<p>Scholars who attempt to reconstruct the history of the Conquest face certain problems. Critical scholarship has run into conflict with statements in the Bible at three key points: chronology, rate of occupation, and the issue of Israel’s military annihilation of portions of the population of the Canaanite city-states.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Reference works and scholarly treatments of OT history often suggest a date for the exodus from Egypt in the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> (1280 <span>BC<\/span> or later). Several biblical references to that event would seem to call for an earlier date. According to 1 Kings 6:1, construction of Solomon’s temple was begun in the fourth year of his reign, 480 years after the exodus. Since Solomon’s fourth year was about 960 <span>BC<\/span>, that would place the exodus at 1440 <span>BC<\/span>. In Judges 11:26-28, when Jephthah, eighth of the named judges, argued with the king of Ammon about Israelite possession of land east of the Jordan River, he indicated that Israel had occupied this territory 300 years. Saul’s accession to kingship about 1020 <span>BC<\/span> was still some decades off, so the later date proposed for the exodus does not allow sufficient time for the period of the judges. Further, the apostle Paul referred to a period of about 450 years from the exodus to Samuel’s day (Acts 13:20).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JoshuasCampaigns\">Joshua’s Campaigns<\/p>\n<p>A picture of a concentrated period for the Israelite conquest of Canaan is given in the book of Joshua. Yet many scholars insist that an earlier gradual penetration occurred (by Hebrews who supposedly did not accompany Jacob into Egypt), plus an extended mopping-up procedure that continued down to the time of the monarchy. Although the biblical record allows for later acquisitions in some areas (e.g., Megiddo and Beth-shan), there is no valid reason for rejecting the description of the major Conquest given in Joshua 1–12.<\/p>\n<p>The Conquest began on the east side of the Jordan River under Moses. After Moses’ death, Joshua led Israel across the river, capturing first the fortified cities of Jericho and Ai. Those strategic victories provided access to the hill country and drove a wedge into the middle of Canaan. Two major campaigns followed—a southern and then a northern—which won for Israel in six years’ time the key cities of Canaan, defeating 31 kings and concluding the initial and principal stage of the Conquest.<\/p>\n<p>Numbers 32 records the earlier assignment of territory east of the Jordan (Gilead and Bashan, acquired by the defeat of two kings, Sihon of the Amorites and Og of Bashan) to the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh. Though their land had already been acquired, the men of those tribes were obligated to cross the Jordan with the rest to participate in the military conquest of Canaan itself.<\/p>\n<p>Joshua 2–8 records the unusual events of the destruction of Jericho and Ai in the initial thrust westward. Those victories tended to demoralize the remaining cities of the land. Chapters 9 and 10 describe the southern campaign, including the Gibeonites’ procurement of a treaty by deception. Joshua 10, with its account of the remarkable rout of the enemy forces (vv 9-12) and miraculous prolonging of daylight, is the central passage about the southern campaign. In the subsequent battle, an alliance of five Amorite kings was crushed, the kings were killed, and the city-states of the area were destroyed, except for Jerusalem (later captured by David).<\/p>\n<p>In his northern campaign, Joshua confronted a more formidable alliance. Yet even Jabin, the powerful king of Hazor, largest of the Canaanite cities, supported by his local vassals, was no match for Israel’s armies. Joshua 11 describes that phase, then sums up the entire Conquest in verses 16-23 and on through chapter 12.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Allotment of the Land.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CONQUEST AND ALLOTMENT OF THE LAND Terms referring to Israel’s winning of the Promised Land and the distinctive way in which it was divided among the Israelite tribes. Conquest The conquest of Canaan by the Israelites is one of the most remarkable events of OT history: a loosely organized nomadic people successfully invaded a long-established culture secure in its protected urban centers. That achievement, according to the Scriptures, was the result of a promise God had made to Abraham, Isaac...","summary_en":"CONQUEST AND ALLOTMENT OF THE LAND Terms referring to Israel’s winning of the Promised Land and the distinctive way in which it was divided among the Israelite tribes. Conquest The conquest of Canaan by the Israelites is one of the most remarkable events of OT history: a loosely organized nomadic people successfully invaded a long-established culture secure in its protected urban centers. That achievement, according to the Scriptures, was the result of a promise God had made to Abraham, Isaac...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":11415,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Exodus","title_en":"Book of Exodus","content_ro":"<h3>EXODUS, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Second book of the Bible, containing the story of God’s liberation of the people of Israel from slavery in Egypt. Few books of the OT are as important historically and theologically as the book of Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>Historically, the exodus event was the birth of Israel as a nation. At Mt Sinai a group of tribes who were descendants of Abraham became a nation ruled by God. The book of Exodus explains how the Israelites were able to resettle the land God had promised to Abraham and gives the basis for this religious, political, and social life.<\/p>\n<p>Theologically, the book of Exodus is so frequently referred to in the OT and NT that theologians speak of an “exodus motif.” In Psalm 68, for example, David received assurance in remembering that his God was the same one who rescued Israel from Egypt. The prophet Jeremiah compared the future regathering of Israel to their exodus from Egypt as an even more miraculous event (Jer 16:14-15). The return of Jesus and his parents from Egypt is associated with the exodus in Matthew 2:13-15. The deliverance of the Jewish people from Egypt was interpreted as a prototype for God’s freeing of all his people, both Israel and the church. Thus, the message of the book of Exodus is foundational to understanding God’s plan of salvation throughout the Bible.<\/p>\n<p>The English title “Exodus” comes from the Septuagint, a pre-Christian translation of the OT into Greek. The word means “a way out” or “departure” and refers to Israel’s rescue from Egypt. The Hebrew title is <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shemoth<\/span> (“these are the names”), from the book’s opening words, referring to the names of the sons of Jacob who joined Joseph in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>According to tradition, Exodus and the entire Pentateuch (first five books of the Bible) were written by Moses. Exodus was probably written at Mt Sinai or shortly after the events there, according to this view. There is much to support that claim: (1) The book states that Moses wrote God’s words in at least one book (Ex 17:14; 24:2, 7; 34:27-28). According to Deuteronomy 31:9, 24, Moses recorded God’s law in a book that was deposited beside the ark of the covenant as a witness for God. (2) Many OT writers referred to portions of Exodus as the “law of Moses” (1 Kgs 2:3; 2 Chr 34:14; Neh 8:1; 13:1). The NT, including the testimony of Jesus, calls Moses the author (Mk 7:10; 12:26; Jn 1:45; 7:19).<\/p>\n<p>Various other theories about the origin of Exodus have been proposed. Some scholars credit Moses with writing nearly the entire book. One writer claims that Moses was an unknown desert sheikh who never even met the Israelites. Some critics think they detect in the book several documents from various periods in Israel’s history that were finally put together by an editor centuries after Moses’ death. Others have isolated various literary forms, such as the “Song of Moses” (Ex 15), and traced their development. Another interpretation says that the exodus story was passed on by word of mouth for many generations before being written.<\/p>\n<p>Although such theories are held by biblical scholars, they deny what the text of the book repeatedly affirms: that Moses wrote Exodus. The book of Exodus contains evidence of being written by an eyewitness. Only such a person would recall, for example, that there were 12 fountains and 70 palm trees at Elim (Ex 15:27). The author shows a thorough knowledge of Egyptian court life, customs, and language. Some of the materials used to construct the tabernacle, such as acacia wood for its furniture (25:10) and rams’ skins for the outer covering (v 5), are found in Egypt and the Sinai Peninsula but not in Palestine. The book thus seems to have had a desert setting.<\/p>\n<p>Moses was not only commissioned by God to write the book of Exodus, but he was also well qualified. He was “instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and he was mighty in his words and deeds” (Acts 7:22, <span>rsv<\/span>). In addition, the 40 years spent in the wilderness of Midian and Sinai gave him a thorough knowledge of the geography and wildlife of the regions through which the Israelites traveled. The events of the exodus—deliverance from the Egyptians and God’s giving of the law—were so central to the history of Israel that Moses took special care to preserve the record so it could be passed on to following generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>If one accepts the traditional view that Moses wrote Exodus, then the book is to be dated in the time of Moses. Two dates are generally suggested for the exodus from Egypt.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The “Late Date” View<\/h5>\n<p>This view says that the pharaoh who oppressed the Israelites was Seti I (Sethos, c. 1304–1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the pharaoh of the exodus was Ramses II (c. 1290–1224 <span>BC<\/span>). The exodus would thus have occurred in 1290, and the conquest of Canaan would have begun in 1250. There are two principal arguments for this view: (1) According to Exodus 1:11, the Israelites were forced to build the store city of Rameses; therefore, Ramses II must have been ruling at the time. But the city of Rameses could have existed earlier under a different name and then been renamed after Ramses II when he rebuilt it. Or there could have been an earlier monarch named Ramses who commissioned its construction. (2) There is archaeological evidence of movements of people and widespread destruction in Canaan around 1250 <span>BC<\/span>. If this destruction was caused by the Hebrew conquest under Joshua, it would place the exodus around 1290. But it could just as easily have been the result of social turbulence and anarchy in the period of the Israelite judges, or of the military activities of neighboring peoples.<\/p>\n<h5>The “Early Date” View<\/h5>\n<p>This view says that the pharaoh of the oppression was Thutmose III (c. 1504–1450 <span>BC<\/span>) and the pharaoh of the exodus was Amenhotep II (c. 1450–1424 <span>BC<\/span>). Thus, the exodus would have occurred about 1440, and the conquest would have begun around 1400. Three chief arguments support that view: (1) If the fourth year of King Solomon was 966 <span>BC<\/span>, then the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 would place the exodus at 1446. (2) If the time of Jephthah was 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, then the 300 years of Judges 11:26 would date the conquest at 1400. (3) The late date would not leave enough time for the period of the judges, which most chronologies indicate lasted between 300 and 400 years. On the basis of such biblical references to the date of the exodus, the early date appears preferable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>Some events in Egypt during the period covered by the book of Exodus shed additional light on the biblical record. Exodus 12:40 records that the Israelites lived in Egypt for 430 years. That would place the settling of Jacob and his family in Goshen (Gn 47:4, 11) at about 1870 <span>BC<\/span>, during the powerful 12th dynasty of Egypt’s Middle Kingdom. Around the turn of the century, two weaker dynasties followed. Semite invaders from Asia began to infiltrate northern (or Lower) Egypt. Those outsiders, known as the Hyksos, were able to displace the native dynasty with their own king around 1730. That was the “new king” who “did not know Joseph” (Ex 1:8). Being foreigners themselves, they were naturally concerned about the Israelites, who were too many and too mighty for them (v 9). Enslavement was the easiest solution to the problem of the Israelites. The Hyksos kings could use the new source of labor to enlarge Rameses, at that time the capital of Lower Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Not until about 1580 <span>BC<\/span> were the Egyptians, led by Ahmose, able to drive out the Hyksos and reestablish an Egyptian line of kings. Because the Israelites were still multiplying, despite their hard labor, the pharaohs of the 18th dynasty continued their bondage and decreed that all male children must be killed. When Moses was born (c. 1560 <span>BC<\/span>), that edict was still in effect. Thutmose I (1539–1514), the great empire builder and third of that dynasty, was pharaoh.<\/p>\n<p>Thutmose I’s only surviving legal heir was a daughter, Hatshepsut. Her husband assumed the name Thutmose II (1514–1504). When he died, another of the pharaoh’s descendants was named the successor—Thutmose III (1504–1450), who was ten years old at the time. Hatshepsut took the kingdom from the young ruler and controlled it for 22 years (1503–1482). Such a strong-willed woman could have the nerve to disobey her father’s command by saving the life of a Hebrew baby and raising him in the palace at Thebes.<\/p>\n<p>Hatshepsut, who continued to rule despite Thutmose III’s coronation, possibly intended for Moses to have the throne, or at least a high position in the realm. Thutmose III, once he had full power after Hatshepsut’s death, would have been eager to do away with Moses. Moses’ hurried flight into the wilderness after killing the overseer fits well with such historical possibilities. Thutmose III’s death in 1450 <span>BC<\/span> opened the way for Moses to return and confront Pharaoh Amenhotep II with God’s command, “Let my people go.”<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the book of Exodus is to show how God’s promise to Abraham (Gn 15:12-16) was fulfilled when the Lord rescued the Israelite descendants of Abraham from Egyptian bondage. It also explains the origin of the Passover festival, the beginning of the nation by God’s establishment of a covenant with Israel, and the giving of the law on Mt Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Exodus tells the moving story of a mighty God, creator of the universe, beyond all limitations of time and space, who intervenes in history on behalf of a helpless group of slaves. God defeats the ruler of the greatest empire on earth and then leads his oppressed people from that land to freedom. Exodus is the story of a single family that providentially grows into a multitude. Through God’s covenant a nation is formed, and through his law the nation is given stability and set apart from all its neighbors. The book of Exodus tells of an unusual man, whose 80 years of preparation are equally divided between the palace of a king and the pasture of a nomadic priest. Moses is a reluctant leader, but he defies the pharaoh, speaks with God face-to-face, and writes nearly one-fourth of the Hebrew Scriptures.<\/p>\n<p>The God of Exodus is faithful. He makes promises and keeps them. Genesis 15:13-16 records an amazing prophecy: “Then the <span>Lord<\/span> said to Abram, ‘Know of a surety that your descendants will be sojourners in a land that is not theirs, and will be slaves there, and they will be oppressed for four hundred years; but I will bring judgment on the nation which they serve, and afterward they shall come out with great possessions. . . . And they shall come back here in the fourth generation’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>). In response to this promise, Joseph, “at the end of his life, made mention of the exodus of the Israelites and gave directions concerning his burial” (Heb 11:22, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>That promise provides a background for the drama of redemption on which the book of Exodus focuses. Redemption can be defined as “deliverance from the power of an alien dominion, and enjoyment of the resulting freedom.” It speaks of a deliverer and what he does to achieve deliverance. The book of Exodus is full of the vocabulary of redemption. It tells of the God who “remembers” his promise to the Hebrew patriarchs (Ex 2:24; 6:5). God “comes down to deliver” the Israelites (3:8), or “save” them (14:30; 15:2), in order to “bring them” out of the land of Egypt (3:10-12). Redemption involves these aspects:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Lord is the author of redemption. In Exodus 6:1-8, as God answered Moses’ prayer to deliver his people, he used the pronoun “I” 18 times to emphasize that he was the one initiating the action. The Hebrew descendants of Abraham had known God primarily by the Hebrew name “El,” a common title in the ancient Near East for the supreme deity. But in Exodus, Israel learned that God is “Jehovah” or “Yahweh.” That is his personal name, a reminder that he is the God of the covenant who personally cares for his people’s welfare. In Exodus 3:14, God told Moses, “I am who I am” or “I will be who I will be.” Some scholars think that statement shows that the name Yahweh comes from the Hebrew verb “to be.” In any case, the concept of “name” in the Hebrew culture is synonymous with “character.” To know the name of God is to know something of his character. Israel knew God as the one who is eternally self-existent yet present with them wherever they would go, acting on their behalf (Ex 3:12; 33:14-16).<\/p>\n<li>2. The reason for redemption was God’s promise to the forefathers of the Israelites. When God heard the groaning of the people of Israel, he remembered his covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and with Jacob (Ex 2:24; cf. 6:5). In response to their need, he selected an agent of redemption, the unwilling Moses. Moses exhausted every possible excuse, but God would not take no for an answer. Moses is a vivid example of how God prepares, empowers, and sustains his chosen servants, using them to accomplish his purpose.<\/li>\n<li>3. The motive of redemption was God’s grace and love (Ex 15:13; 20:6; 34:6-7). The purpose of redemption was that Israel and the Egyptians might know God (6:7; 7:5; 8:10; 14:18). The Lord worked so that all who were involved—Moses, the Israelites, Pharaoh, and the Egyptians—would be sure that he alone is God. The Hebrew understanding of knowledge is not primarily intellectual but experience-oriented. The desired response to God’s action is not mere mental assent but also faith and obedience.<\/li>\n<li>4. Redemption is achieved in Exodus by miracles (4:21)—all natural processes controlled supernaturally by God. They are variously described as signs and wonders (7:3), great acts of judgment (6:6; 7:4), and “the finger of God” (8:19). Such miracles were not frivolous fireworks but purposeful works of God. Some of the miracles prove that Moses was sent by God. The miraculous plagues proved that God is supreme, for each of them was a direct challenge to one of the gods of Egypt: Osiris the river god, Yeqt the frog god, Ra (Re) the sun god, Athor the cattle god. The miracles in the wilderness proved that God fulfills all the needs of his people.<\/li>\n<li>5. The pharaoh was the villain—a picture of rebellious humanity confronted by God’s command (Ex 4:21-23). Ten times the pharaoh hardened his heart. Yet, in a sense, it was God who hardened the pharaoh’s heart, effecting the king’s decision to defy him.<\/li>\n<li>6. The Passover marked the purchase of redemption (Ex 12:23-27; 15:16). It was a clear example of salvation by substitution. When the death angel saw the blood on the doorposts and lintels, he passed by.<\/li>\n<li>7. The recipients of God’s redemption in Exodus were the Israelites. God took them as his own special people (6:7), and they were no longer free to do as they pleased. Even before the exodus he had claimed them, telling Pharaoh, “Israel is my first-born son, and I say to you, ‘Let my son go that he may serve me’ ” (4:22-23, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li>8. The demand of redemption was obedience. On the basis of his deliverance of the Israelites from bondage, God set forth the Ten Commandments (20:1-17) and the rest of the law for them to obey. The people, though quick to pledge their obedience (19:8; 24:3), were even quicker to disobey (32:8). Because the Lord is holy and wants his people to be holy and wholehearted in devotion (34:14), he must punish iniquity. But being compassionate, he also forgives. Throughout the centuries of Israel’s history, God pleaded with his people through the prophets to remember the exodus and repent (see Mi 6:3-4). The faithful responded in gratitude with Moses’ “song of redemption” (Ex 15; cf. Rv 15:3-4).<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The book of Exodus can be divided into four sections, each describing one aspect of God’s dealings with the Israelites during the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Unveiling (Ex 1–6)<\/h5>\n<p>The book of Exodus begins with the 70 descendants of Jacob who joined Joseph in Egypt for the duration of a famine that was afflicting their land (cf. Gn 46–50). After more than a century of prosperity for the Israelites in the land of Goshen, a new dynasty is established in Egypt whose leaders are not friendly toward Israel. In order to stem the rapid growth of the Hebrew people, the Egyptians force them to do hard labor, building storage cities for the pharaoh.<\/p>\n<p>A further command requires all Israelite male children to be killed at birth. The superintendents of the midwives do not comply, however, and God rewards them—not to show his approval of their lie but because they fear and obey God rather than the pharaoh. A new command calls for all male Israelite babies to be drowned in the Nile River. One special child, who escapes when Pharaoh’s daughter has his basket fished out of the Nile, is Moses. Ironically, Moses’ mother is paid by the princess to raise her own child, who grows up in the palace as the princess’s adopted son.<\/p>\n<p>As an adult, Moses chooses to identify with his Hebrew kin, a tribute to the early instruction given him by his godly parents (see Heb 11:24-26). He sets out to liberate Israel from the Egyptians, one man at a time. But he has to flee to Midian, at the eastern edge of the Sinai Peninsula or in Arabia beyond the northern top of the Gulf of Aqaba. Moses marries into the household of Jethro, also named Reuel. Reuel (“friend of God”) is probably the man’s personal name, and Jethro (“excellence”) his title. Because he is called a “priest of Midian” (Ex 2:16), some scholars have maintained a “Kenite hypothesis,” suggesting that Moses adopted the religion of his father-in-law and taught it to the Israelites. But the Bible states that Moses received his religion by a direct revelation from God. Jethro seems to believe only after he sees that God has rescued Israel from the Egyptians (18:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>While their future deliverer is in Midian, the Israelites continue to be oppressed and cry out to God in their misery (2:23-25). God responds by descending to his people. He came down to rescue Israel (3:8). He appears to Moses in a burning bush and identifies himself as the same God who promised the patriarchs a land “flowing with milk and honey” (3:17). Moses will lead the Israelites there, assisted by his brother, Aaron.<\/p>\n<p>Assured that God’s presence and miraculous signs will accompany him, Moses takes his wife Zipporah and his two sons and departs for Egypt. On the way, the Lord meets him and seeks to put him to death (4:24). That is probably the Hebrew way of saying that God strikes him with a mortal illness. Moses, who is going to deliver God’s people, has neglected the sign of the covenant in failing to circumcise one of his sons (Gn 17:14). Moses recovers after the rite is performed and continues on to Egypt, meeting Aaron at Mt Sinai. Their reception by the Israelites is more cordial than that of Pharaoh, who refuses to honor the God who sent Moses. Instead of releasing the Israelites to offer sacrifices to their God in the wilderness, he increases their burdens. The people complain to Moses, and Moses complains to God. God appears again to Moses (Ex 6), reassuring him that Israel will be delivered by divine power. God’s plan is not a failure—he is just beginning to put it into action.<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Deliverance (Ex 7–19)<\/h5>\n<p>Chapters 7–12 record ten plagues with which God afflicts the Egyptians. Even before the first of them, the pharaoh has hardened his heart to defy God (7:13). There are three cycles of three plagues each:<\/p>\n\n<p> The first three plagues affect both the Egyptians and the Israelites; the Israelites are protected from the final six. The Egyptian magicians are able to duplicate the first two plagues, but when the third strikes, they admit, “This is the finger of God” (8:19). After the plague of flies covers the land, the pharaoh offers Moses the first of four compromises, but Moses refuses all of them (8:25-29; 10:8-11, 24-29). The first plagues are merely unpleasant, but the final ones are destructive and inflict much suffering. Since all of the plagues are common to that area, they themselves are not miraculous. The miracle is how the phenomena are multiplied and limited to the land of Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>The nine plagues serve to harden the pharaoh’s heart even more, so God prepares one final stroke. The death of every firstborn male, among both animals and humans, will be the fatal blow. God warns the Israelites to get ready to leave. To avert the death angel, they must put blood from an unblemished yearling male sheep or goat on their doorways. While they are eating the Passover meal, the death angel begins moving through the land of Egypt. In anguish the pharaoh drives the Israelites from the land; the slaves are free at last. Just as he has promised, the Lord goes before the children of Israel in a pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night.<\/p>\n<p>But once again the pharaoh’s heart is hardened and he gives pursuit. God parts the waters of the sea with a great wind. The literal meaning of the name given that body of water is “sea of reeds.” It could refer to any shoreline where the water is sufficiently shallow for such plants to grow (see 1 Kgs 9:26, where the same term refers to the Gulf of Aqaba near Eloth). Whatever the location, there God hands the Egyptians their final defeat. The rescue is complete.<\/p>\n<p>Moses and the Israelites respond with renewed faith in the Lord and with a song of victory and praise (Ex 14:31–15:21). Soon, however, thanksgiving turns into grumbling because of bitter water (15:22-26), lack of meat and bread (16:1-15), and lack of water (17:1-7). In each situation God provides for their need. He also gives them victory over the Amalekites (vv 8-16). As the Israelites approach Mt Sinai, Moses’ family rejoins him, accompanied by Jethro. Jethro now confesses his faith in the God of the Israelites and shares in a fellowship meal with the leaders. He also assists Moses in reorganizing the judicial system, then returns to Midian (ch 18).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites arrive at Mt Sinai, also called Horeb (3:1), and prepare to meet the Lord who has rescued them in fulfillment of his promise to Moses (v 12). The Lord establishes his covenant with Israel, taking them as his own possession, “a kingdom of priests, my holy nation.” They quickly respond, “We will certainly do everything the <span>Lord<\/span> asks of us” (19:5-8, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Instruction (Ex 20–24)<\/h5>\n<p>The God who redeems a people, who literally “buys them back from slavery,” has a right to make certain demands of them. The commandments God gives to Israel at Sinai are not burdensome requirements but protective guidelines for living as God’s people (20:2-3).<\/p>\n<p>The Law (or Torah, meaning “instruction”) revealed at Sinai consists of three parts:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Ten Commandments (ch 20), addressing a person’s relationship to God and other people. Based on God’s nature (and therefore permanent), the Ten Commandments are unique in the history of the nations.<\/p>\n<li>2. The judgments (chs 21–23), social regulations for governing the people as a theocracy, similar in many ways to the law codes of Israel’s neighbors.<\/li>\n<li>3. Ordinances (chs 24–31) regulating religious ceremonies.<\/li>\n<p>All of the laws are given to Moses during the weeks he spends with God on the mountain.<\/p>\n<p>The Ten Commandments form the basis of all other laws in Israel (20:1-17). The first five deal with honoring the Lord, the second five with respecting one’s neighbor. The last commandment deals with one’s thoughts and intentions rather than with specific actions. It thus forms a safeguard against all sins not included in the first nine.<\/p>\n<p>The judgments recorded in chapters 21–23 deal with master-slave relationships (21:1-11), offenses punishable by death (vv 12-17), compensation for injury to persons or damage to property (21:18–22:15), various interpersonal relationships (22:16–23:9), and Sabbaths, feasts, and the offering of firstfruits (23:10-19). Many of the judgments would not take effect until Israel settled in the Promised Land. Accordingly, that section of the Law closes with a solemn warning against being rebellious and adopting pagan ways. It also contains a bright promise that God will drive out Israel’s enemies, protect his people from sickness, and grant them prosperity, if they obey the Lord’s commands (23:22).<\/p>\n<p>Exodus 24 records a reaffirmation of the covenant between God and Israel, as Moses seals it with the blood of a sacrifice. In response, God appears to the leaders of the people, giving them a glimpse of his splendor. Then Moses ascends the mountain one more time to receive the stone tablets containing the commandments, as well as further instructions regarding the meeting tent (tabernacle), the priesthood, and worship.<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Presence with his People (Ex 25–40)<\/h5>\n<p>After the Lord redeemed the Israelites, he told Moses, “I will make you my own special people, and I will be your God. And you will know that I am the <span>Lord<\/span> your God who has rescued you from your slavery in Egypt” (6:7, <span>nlt<\/span>). Moses had seen that wonderful promise fulfilled, yet one further step remained: “I want the people of Israel to build me a sacred residence where I can live among them” (25:8). God’s dwelling among his people is possible because God had descended to deliver the people and because they had pledged to meet his demands. God calls for a contribution from all whose hearts were willing to give, and he shows Moses a detailed pattern of the tabernacle and its furniture. Aaron and his sons are set apart to serve in the tent. Stipulations for the various offerings, including the Day of Atonement, are given. God tells Moses that he has chosen Bezalel and Oholiab to build the tabernacle and to craft its furnishings, having filled them with his Spirit.<\/p>\n<p>In the meantime the Israelites, who so recently promised total obedience, grow impatient as Moses lingers for 40 days on the mountain. They demand that Aaron make an idol for them. Under pressure, Aaron complies and forms a molten calf, a representation of a pagan deity (32:4).<\/p>\n<p>The Lord informs Moses of the people’s idolatry, revelry, and immorality and says that he is angry enough to destroy all of them and start again with Moses’ offspring. Moses pleads for Israel until the Lord relents, then descends from the mountain to punish the people. Moses pleads again for forgiveness for Israel, and God in mercy pardons their terrible sin (34:8-10).<\/p>\n<p>Once more God offers to make a covenant with the people (34:10). Moses spends another 40 days with the Lord, writing the commandments on tablets to replace those smashed when he saw the golden calf. When he returns to the people, his face shines from being in God’s presence, and he must keep it veiled.<\/p>\n<p>Now that Israel has been restored to God’s favor, the construction of the tabernacle can begin. The contributions are so generous that Moses must restrain the people from bringing any more. Finally, all is ready. Moses examines the tabernacle, and it is erected on the first day of the first month, nearly a year after the first Passover. The priests are consecrated, the lamps are lit, and the first burnt sacrifice is offered. A cloud descends, filling the tabernacle with the glory of the Lord. God dwells among his people, the goal of redemption has been attained, and the drama of the book of Exodus has come to an end.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Egypt, Egyptian; Exodus, The; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; Israel, History of; Moses; Plagues upon Egypt; Tabernacle; Temple; Commandments, The Ten.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EXODUS, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Second book of the Bible, containing the story of God’s liberation of the people of Israel from slavery in Egypt. Few books of the OT are as important historically and theologically as the book of Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>Historically, the exodus event was the birth of Israel as a nation. At Mt Sinai a group of tribes who were descendants of Abraham became a nation ruled by God. The book of Exodus explains how the Israelites were able to resettle the land God had promised to Abraham and gives the basis for this religious, political, and social life.<\/p>\n<p>Theologically, the book of Exodus is so frequently referred to in the OT and NT that theologians speak of an “exodus motif.” In Psalm 68, for example, David received assurance in remembering that his God was the same one who rescued Israel from Egypt. The prophet Jeremiah compared the future regathering of Israel to their exodus from Egypt as an even more miraculous event (Jer 16:14-15). The return of Jesus and his parents from Egypt is associated with the exodus in Matthew 2:13-15. The deliverance of the Jewish people from Egypt was interpreted as a prototype for God’s freeing of all his people, both Israel and the church. Thus, the message of the book of Exodus is foundational to understanding God’s plan of salvation throughout the Bible.<\/p>\n<p>The English title “Exodus” comes from the Septuagint, a pre-Christian translation of the OT into Greek. The word means “a way out” or “departure” and refers to Israel’s rescue from Egypt. The Hebrew title is <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shemoth<\/span> (“these are the names”), from the book’s opening words, referring to the names of the sons of Jacob who joined Joseph in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>According to tradition, Exodus and the entire Pentateuch (first five books of the Bible) were written by Moses. Exodus was probably written at Mt Sinai or shortly after the events there, according to this view. There is much to support that claim: (1) The book states that Moses wrote God’s words in at least one book (Ex 17:14; 24:2, 7; 34:27-28). According to Deuteronomy 31:9, 24, Moses recorded God’s law in a book that was deposited beside the ark of the covenant as a witness for God. (2) Many OT writers referred to portions of Exodus as the “law of Moses” (1 Kgs 2:3; 2 Chr 34:14; Neh 8:1; 13:1). The NT, including the testimony of Jesus, calls Moses the author (Mk 7:10; 12:26; Jn 1:45; 7:19).<\/p>\n<p>Various other theories about the origin of Exodus have been proposed. Some scholars credit Moses with writing nearly the entire book. One writer claims that Moses was an unknown desert sheikh who never even met the Israelites. Some critics think they detect in the book several documents from various periods in Israel’s history that were finally put together by an editor centuries after Moses’ death. Others have isolated various literary forms, such as the “Song of Moses” (Ex 15), and traced their development. Another interpretation says that the exodus story was passed on by word of mouth for many generations before being written.<\/p>\n<p>Although such theories are held by biblical scholars, they deny what the text of the book repeatedly affirms: that Moses wrote Exodus. The book of Exodus contains evidence of being written by an eyewitness. Only such a person would recall, for example, that there were 12 fountains and 70 palm trees at Elim (Ex 15:27). The author shows a thorough knowledge of Egyptian court life, customs, and language. Some of the materials used to construct the tabernacle, such as acacia wood for its furniture (25:10) and rams’ skins for the outer covering (v 5), are found in Egypt and the Sinai Peninsula but not in Palestine. The book thus seems to have had a desert setting.<\/p>\n<p>Moses was not only commissioned by God to write the book of Exodus, but he was also well qualified. He was “instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and he was mighty in his words and deeds” (Acts 7:22, <span>rsv<\/span>). In addition, the 40 years spent in the wilderness of Midian and Sinai gave him a thorough knowledge of the geography and wildlife of the regions through which the Israelites traveled. The events of the exodus—deliverance from the Egyptians and God’s giving of the law—were so central to the history of Israel that Moses took special care to preserve the record so it could be passed on to following generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>If one accepts the traditional view that Moses wrote Exodus, then the book is to be dated in the time of Moses. Two dates are generally suggested for the exodus from Egypt.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The “Late Date” View<\/h5>\n<p>This view says that the pharaoh who oppressed the Israelites was Seti I (Sethos, c. 1304–1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the pharaoh of the exodus was Ramses II (c. 1290–1224 <span>BC<\/span>). The exodus would thus have occurred in 1290, and the conquest of Canaan would have begun in 1250. There are two principal arguments for this view: (1) According to Exodus 1:11, the Israelites were forced to build the store city of Rameses; therefore, Ramses II must have been ruling at the time. But the city of Rameses could have existed earlier under a different name and then been renamed after Ramses II when he rebuilt it. Or there could have been an earlier monarch named Ramses who commissioned its construction. (2) There is archaeological evidence of movements of people and widespread destruction in Canaan around 1250 <span>BC<\/span>. If this destruction was caused by the Hebrew conquest under Joshua, it would place the exodus around 1290. But it could just as easily have been the result of social turbulence and anarchy in the period of the Israelite judges, or of the military activities of neighboring peoples.<\/p>\n<h5>The “Early Date” View<\/h5>\n<p>This view says that the pharaoh of the oppression was Thutmose III (c. 1504–1450 <span>BC<\/span>) and the pharaoh of the exodus was Amenhotep II (c. 1450–1424 <span>BC<\/span>). Thus, the exodus would have occurred about 1440, and the conquest would have begun around 1400. Three chief arguments support that view: (1) If the fourth year of King Solomon was 966 <span>BC<\/span>, then the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 would place the exodus at 1446. (2) If the time of Jephthah was 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, then the 300 years of Judges 11:26 would date the conquest at 1400. (3) The late date would not leave enough time for the period of the judges, which most chronologies indicate lasted between 300 and 400 years. On the basis of such biblical references to the date of the exodus, the early date appears preferable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>Some events in Egypt during the period covered by the book of Exodus shed additional light on the biblical record. Exodus 12:40 records that the Israelites lived in Egypt for 430 years. That would place the settling of Jacob and his family in Goshen (Gn 47:4, 11) at about 1870 <span>BC<\/span>, during the powerful 12th dynasty of Egypt’s Middle Kingdom. Around the turn of the century, two weaker dynasties followed. Semite invaders from Asia began to infiltrate northern (or Lower) Egypt. Those outsiders, known as the Hyksos, were able to displace the native dynasty with their own king around 1730. That was the “new king” who “did not know Joseph” (Ex 1:8). Being foreigners themselves, they were naturally concerned about the Israelites, who were too many and too mighty for them (v 9). Enslavement was the easiest solution to the problem of the Israelites. The Hyksos kings could use the new source of labor to enlarge Rameses, at that time the capital of Lower Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Not until about 1580 <span>BC<\/span> were the Egyptians, led by Ahmose, able to drive out the Hyksos and reestablish an Egyptian line of kings. Because the Israelites were still multiplying, despite their hard labor, the pharaohs of the 18th dynasty continued their bondage and decreed that all male children must be killed. When Moses was born (c. 1560 <span>BC<\/span>), that edict was still in effect. Thutmose I (1539–1514), the great empire builder and third of that dynasty, was pharaoh.<\/p>\n<p>Thutmose I’s only surviving legal heir was a daughter, Hatshepsut. Her husband assumed the name Thutmose II (1514–1504). When he died, another of the pharaoh’s descendants was named the successor—Thutmose III (1504–1450), who was ten years old at the time. Hatshepsut took the kingdom from the young ruler and controlled it for 22 years (1503–1482). Such a strong-willed woman could have the nerve to disobey her father’s command by saving the life of a Hebrew baby and raising him in the palace at Thebes.<\/p>\n<p>Hatshepsut, who continued to rule despite Thutmose III’s coronation, possibly intended for Moses to have the throne, or at least a high position in the realm. Thutmose III, once he had full power after Hatshepsut’s death, would have been eager to do away with Moses. Moses’ hurried flight into the wilderness after killing the overseer fits well with such historical possibilities. Thutmose III’s death in 1450 <span>BC<\/span> opened the way for Moses to return and confront Pharaoh Amenhotep II with God’s command, “Let my people go.”<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the book of Exodus is to show how God’s promise to Abraham (Gn 15:12-16) was fulfilled when the Lord rescued the Israelite descendants of Abraham from Egyptian bondage. It also explains the origin of the Passover festival, the beginning of the nation by God’s establishment of a covenant with Israel, and the giving of the law on Mt Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Exodus tells the moving story of a mighty God, creator of the universe, beyond all limitations of time and space, who intervenes in history on behalf of a helpless group of slaves. God defeats the ruler of the greatest empire on earth and then leads his oppressed people from that land to freedom. Exodus is the story of a single family that providentially grows into a multitude. Through God’s covenant a nation is formed, and through his law the nation is given stability and set apart from all its neighbors. The book of Exodus tells of an unusual man, whose 80 years of preparation are equally divided between the palace of a king and the pasture of a nomadic priest. Moses is a reluctant leader, but he defies the pharaoh, speaks with God face-to-face, and writes nearly one-fourth of the Hebrew Scriptures.<\/p>\n<p>The God of Exodus is faithful. He makes promises and keeps them. Genesis 15:13-16 records an amazing prophecy: “Then the <span>Lord<\/span> said to Abram, ‘Know of a surety that your descendants will be sojourners in a land that is not theirs, and will be slaves there, and they will be oppressed for four hundred years; but I will bring judgment on the nation which they serve, and afterward they shall come out with great possessions. . . . And they shall come back here in the fourth generation’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>). In response to this promise, Joseph, “at the end of his life, made mention of the exodus of the Israelites and gave directions concerning his burial” (Heb 11:22, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>That promise provides a background for the drama of redemption on which the book of Exodus focuses. Redemption can be defined as “deliverance from the power of an alien dominion, and enjoyment of the resulting freedom.” It speaks of a deliverer and what he does to achieve deliverance. The book of Exodus is full of the vocabulary of redemption. It tells of the God who “remembers” his promise to the Hebrew patriarchs (Ex 2:24; 6:5). God “comes down to deliver” the Israelites (3:8), or “save” them (14:30; 15:2), in order to “bring them” out of the land of Egypt (3:10-12). Redemption involves these aspects:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Lord is the author of redemption. In Exodus 6:1-8, as God answered Moses’ prayer to deliver his people, he used the pronoun “I” 18 times to emphasize that he was the one initiating the action. The Hebrew descendants of Abraham had known God primarily by the Hebrew name “El,” a common title in the ancient Near East for the supreme deity. But in Exodus, Israel learned that God is “Jehovah” or “Yahweh.” That is his personal name, a reminder that he is the God of the covenant who personally cares for his people’s welfare. In Exodus 3:14, God told Moses, “I am who I am” or “I will be who I will be.” Some scholars think that statement shows that the name Yahweh comes from the Hebrew verb “to be.” In any case, the concept of “name” in the Hebrew culture is synonymous with “character.” To know the name of God is to know something of his character. Israel knew God as the one who is eternally self-existent yet present with them wherever they would go, acting on their behalf (Ex 3:12; 33:14-16).<\/p>\n<li>2. The reason for redemption was God’s promise to the forefathers of the Israelites. When God heard the groaning of the people of Israel, he remembered his covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and with Jacob (Ex 2:24; cf. 6:5). In response to their need, he selected an agent of redemption, the unwilling Moses. Moses exhausted every possible excuse, but God would not take no for an answer. Moses is a vivid example of how God prepares, empowers, and sustains his chosen servants, using them to accomplish his purpose.<\/li>\n<li>3. The motive of redemption was God’s grace and love (Ex 15:13; 20:6; 34:6-7). The purpose of redemption was that Israel and the Egyptians might know God (6:7; 7:5; 8:10; 14:18). The Lord worked so that all who were involved—Moses, the Israelites, Pharaoh, and the Egyptians—would be sure that he alone is God. The Hebrew understanding of knowledge is not primarily intellectual but experience-oriented. The desired response to God’s action is not mere mental assent but also faith and obedience.<\/li>\n<li>4. Redemption is achieved in Exodus by miracles (4:21)—all natural processes controlled supernaturally by God. They are variously described as signs and wonders (7:3), great acts of judgment (6:6; 7:4), and “the finger of God” (8:19). Such miracles were not frivolous fireworks but purposeful works of God. Some of the miracles prove that Moses was sent by God. The miraculous plagues proved that God is supreme, for each of them was a direct challenge to one of the gods of Egypt: Osiris the river god, Yeqt the frog god, Ra (Re) the sun god, Athor the cattle god. The miracles in the wilderness proved that God fulfills all the needs of his people.<\/li>\n<li>5. The pharaoh was the villain—a picture of rebellious humanity confronted by God’s command (Ex 4:21-23). Ten times the pharaoh hardened his heart. Yet, in a sense, it was God who hardened the pharaoh’s heart, effecting the king’s decision to defy him.<\/li>\n<li>6. The Passover marked the purchase of redemption (Ex 12:23-27; 15:16). It was a clear example of salvation by substitution. When the death angel saw the blood on the doorposts and lintels, he passed by.<\/li>\n<li>7. The recipients of God’s redemption in Exodus were the Israelites. God took them as his own special people (6:7), and they were no longer free to do as they pleased. Even before the exodus he had claimed them, telling Pharaoh, “Israel is my first-born son, and I say to you, ‘Let my son go that he may serve me’ ” (4:22-23, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li>8. The demand of redemption was obedience. On the basis of his deliverance of the Israelites from bondage, God set forth the Ten Commandments (20:1-17) and the rest of the law for them to obey. The people, though quick to pledge their obedience (19:8; 24:3), were even quicker to disobey (32:8). Because the Lord is holy and wants his people to be holy and wholehearted in devotion (34:14), he must punish iniquity. But being compassionate, he also forgives. Throughout the centuries of Israel’s history, God pleaded with his people through the prophets to remember the exodus and repent (see Mi 6:3-4). The faithful responded in gratitude with Moses’ “song of redemption” (Ex 15; cf. Rv 15:3-4).<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The book of Exodus can be divided into four sections, each describing one aspect of God’s dealings with the Israelites during the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Unveiling (Ex 1–6)<\/h5>\n<p>The book of Exodus begins with the 70 descendants of Jacob who joined Joseph in Egypt for the duration of a famine that was afflicting their land (cf. Gn 46–50). After more than a century of prosperity for the Israelites in the land of Goshen, a new dynasty is established in Egypt whose leaders are not friendly toward Israel. In order to stem the rapid growth of the Hebrew people, the Egyptians force them to do hard labor, building storage cities for the pharaoh.<\/p>\n<p>A further command requires all Israelite male children to be killed at birth. The superintendents of the midwives do not comply, however, and God rewards them—not to show his approval of their lie but because they fear and obey God rather than the pharaoh. A new command calls for all male Israelite babies to be drowned in the Nile River. One special child, who escapes when Pharaoh’s daughter has his basket fished out of the Nile, is Moses. Ironically, Moses’ mother is paid by the princess to raise her own child, who grows up in the palace as the princess’s adopted son.<\/p>\n<p>As an adult, Moses chooses to identify with his Hebrew kin, a tribute to the early instruction given him by his godly parents (see Heb 11:24-26). He sets out to liberate Israel from the Egyptians, one man at a time. But he has to flee to Midian, at the eastern edge of the Sinai Peninsula or in Arabia beyond the northern top of the Gulf of Aqaba. Moses marries into the household of Jethro, also named Reuel. Reuel (“friend of God”) is probably the man’s personal name, and Jethro (“excellence”) his title. Because he is called a “priest of Midian” (Ex 2:16), some scholars have maintained a “Kenite hypothesis,” suggesting that Moses adopted the religion of his father-in-law and taught it to the Israelites. But the Bible states that Moses received his religion by a direct revelation from God. Jethro seems to believe only after he sees that God has rescued Israel from the Egyptians (18:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>While their future deliverer is in Midian, the Israelites continue to be oppressed and cry out to God in their misery (2:23-25). God responds by descending to his people. He came down to rescue Israel (3:8). He appears to Moses in a burning bush and identifies himself as the same God who promised the patriarchs a land “flowing with milk and honey” (3:17). Moses will lead the Israelites there, assisted by his brother, Aaron.<\/p>\n<p>Assured that God’s presence and miraculous signs will accompany him, Moses takes his wife Zipporah and his two sons and departs for Egypt. On the way, the Lord meets him and seeks to put him to death (4:24). That is probably the Hebrew way of saying that God strikes him with a mortal illness. Moses, who is going to deliver God’s people, has neglected the sign of the covenant in failing to circumcise one of his sons (Gn 17:14). Moses recovers after the rite is performed and continues on to Egypt, meeting Aaron at Mt Sinai. Their reception by the Israelites is more cordial than that of Pharaoh, who refuses to honor the God who sent Moses. Instead of releasing the Israelites to offer sacrifices to their God in the wilderness, he increases their burdens. The people complain to Moses, and Moses complains to God. God appears again to Moses (Ex 6), reassuring him that Israel will be delivered by divine power. God’s plan is not a failure—he is just beginning to put it into action.<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Deliverance (Ex 7–19)<\/h5>\n<p>Chapters 7–12 record ten plagues with which God afflicts the Egyptians. Even before the first of them, the pharaoh has hardened his heart to defy God (7:13). There are three cycles of three plagues each:<\/p>\n\n<p> The first three plagues affect both the Egyptians and the Israelites; the Israelites are protected from the final six. The Egyptian magicians are able to duplicate the first two plagues, but when the third strikes, they admit, “This is the finger of God” (8:19). After the plague of flies covers the land, the pharaoh offers Moses the first of four compromises, but Moses refuses all of them (8:25-29; 10:8-11, 24-29). The first plagues are merely unpleasant, but the final ones are destructive and inflict much suffering. Since all of the plagues are common to that area, they themselves are not miraculous. The miracle is how the phenomena are multiplied and limited to the land of Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>The nine plagues serve to harden the pharaoh’s heart even more, so God prepares one final stroke. The death of every firstborn male, among both animals and humans, will be the fatal blow. God warns the Israelites to get ready to leave. To avert the death angel, they must put blood from an unblemished yearling male sheep or goat on their doorways. While they are eating the Passover meal, the death angel begins moving through the land of Egypt. In anguish the pharaoh drives the Israelites from the land; the slaves are free at last. Just as he has promised, the Lord goes before the children of Israel in a pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night.<\/p>\n<p>But once again the pharaoh’s heart is hardened and he gives pursuit. God parts the waters of the sea with a great wind. The literal meaning of the name given that body of water is “sea of reeds.” It could refer to any shoreline where the water is sufficiently shallow for such plants to grow (see 1 Kgs 9:26, where the same term refers to the Gulf of Aqaba near Eloth). Whatever the location, there God hands the Egyptians their final defeat. The rescue is complete.<\/p>\n<p>Moses and the Israelites respond with renewed faith in the Lord and with a song of victory and praise (Ex 14:31–15:21). Soon, however, thanksgiving turns into grumbling because of bitter water (15:22-26), lack of meat and bread (16:1-15), and lack of water (17:1-7). In each situation God provides for their need. He also gives them victory over the Amalekites (vv 8-16). As the Israelites approach Mt Sinai, Moses’ family rejoins him, accompanied by Jethro. Jethro now confesses his faith in the God of the Israelites and shares in a fellowship meal with the leaders. He also assists Moses in reorganizing the judicial system, then returns to Midian (ch 18).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites arrive at Mt Sinai, also called Horeb (3:1), and prepare to meet the Lord who has rescued them in fulfillment of his promise to Moses (v 12). The Lord establishes his covenant with Israel, taking them as his own possession, “a kingdom of priests, my holy nation.” They quickly respond, “We will certainly do everything the <span>Lord<\/span> asks of us” (19:5-8, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Instruction (Ex 20–24)<\/h5>\n<p>The God who redeems a people, who literally “buys them back from slavery,” has a right to make certain demands of them. The commandments God gives to Israel at Sinai are not burdensome requirements but protective guidelines for living as God’s people (20:2-3).<\/p>\n<p>The Law (or Torah, meaning “instruction”) revealed at Sinai consists of three parts:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Ten Commandments (ch 20), addressing a person’s relationship to God and other people. Based on God’s nature (and therefore permanent), the Ten Commandments are unique in the history of the nations.<\/p>\n<li>2. The judgments (chs 21–23), social regulations for governing the people as a theocracy, similar in many ways to the law codes of Israel’s neighbors.<\/li>\n<li>3. Ordinances (chs 24–31) regulating religious ceremonies.<\/li>\n<p>All of the laws are given to Moses during the weeks he spends with God on the mountain.<\/p>\n<p>The Ten Commandments form the basis of all other laws in Israel (20:1-17). The first five deal with honoring the Lord, the second five with respecting one’s neighbor. The last commandment deals with one’s thoughts and intentions rather than with specific actions. It thus forms a safeguard against all sins not included in the first nine.<\/p>\n<p>The judgments recorded in chapters 21–23 deal with master-slave relationships (21:1-11), offenses punishable by death (vv 12-17), compensation for injury to persons or damage to property (21:18–22:15), various interpersonal relationships (22:16–23:9), and Sabbaths, feasts, and the offering of firstfruits (23:10-19). Many of the judgments would not take effect until Israel settled in the Promised Land. Accordingly, that section of the Law closes with a solemn warning against being rebellious and adopting pagan ways. It also contains a bright promise that God will drive out Israel’s enemies, protect his people from sickness, and grant them prosperity, if they obey the Lord’s commands (23:22).<\/p>\n<p>Exodus 24 records a reaffirmation of the covenant between God and Israel, as Moses seals it with the blood of a sacrifice. In response, God appears to the leaders of the people, giving them a glimpse of his splendor. Then Moses ascends the mountain one more time to receive the stone tablets containing the commandments, as well as further instructions regarding the meeting tent (tabernacle), the priesthood, and worship.<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Presence with his People (Ex 25–40)<\/h5>\n<p>After the Lord redeemed the Israelites, he told Moses, “I will make you my own special people, and I will be your God. And you will know that I am the <span>Lord<\/span> your God who has rescued you from your slavery in Egypt” (6:7, <span>nlt<\/span>). Moses had seen that wonderful promise fulfilled, yet one further step remained: “I want the people of Israel to build me a sacred residence where I can live among them” (25:8). God’s dwelling among his people is possible because God had descended to deliver the people and because they had pledged to meet his demands. God calls for a contribution from all whose hearts were willing to give, and he shows Moses a detailed pattern of the tabernacle and its furniture. Aaron and his sons are set apart to serve in the tent. Stipulations for the various offerings, including the Day of Atonement, are given. God tells Moses that he has chosen Bezalel and Oholiab to build the tabernacle and to craft its furnishings, having filled them with his Spirit.<\/p>\n<p>In the meantime the Israelites, who so recently promised total obedience, grow impatient as Moses lingers for 40 days on the mountain. They demand that Aaron make an idol for them. Under pressure, Aaron complies and forms a molten calf, a representation of a pagan deity (32:4).<\/p>\n<p>The Lord informs Moses of the people’s idolatry, revelry, and immorality and says that he is angry enough to destroy all of them and start again with Moses’ offspring. Moses pleads for Israel until the Lord relents, then descends from the mountain to punish the people. Moses pleads again for forgiveness for Israel, and God in mercy pardons their terrible sin (34:8-10).<\/p>\n<p>Once more God offers to make a covenant with the people (34:10). Moses spends another 40 days with the Lord, writing the commandments on tablets to replace those smashed when he saw the golden calf. When he returns to the people, his face shines from being in God’s presence, and he must keep it veiled.<\/p>\n<p>Now that Israel has been restored to God’s favor, the construction of the tabernacle can begin. The contributions are so generous that Moses must restrain the people from bringing any more. Finally, all is ready. Moses examines the tabernacle, and it is erected on the first day of the first month, nearly a year after the first Passover. The priests are consecrated, the lamps are lit, and the first burnt sacrifice is offered. A cloud descends, filling the tabernacle with the glory of the Lord. God dwells among his people, the goal of redemption has been attained, and the drama of the book of Exodus has come to an end.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Egypt, Egyptian; Exodus, The; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; Israel, History of; Moses; Plagues upon Egypt; Tabernacle; Temple; Commandments, The Ten.<\/p>","summary_ro":"EXODUS, Book of Second book of the Bible, containing the story of God’s liberation of the people of Israel from slavery in Egypt. Few books of the OT are as important historically and theologically as the book of Exodus. Historically, the exodus event was the birth of Israel as a nation. At Mt Sinai a group of tribes who were descendants of Abraham became a nation ruled by God. The book of Exodus explains how the Israelites were able to resettle the land God had promised to Abraham and gives ...","summary_en":"EXODUS, Book of Second book of the Bible, containing the story of God’s liberation of the people of Israel from slavery in Egypt. Few books of the OT are as important historically and theologically as the book of Exodus. Historically, the exodus event was the birth of Israel as a nation. At Mt Sinai a group of tribes who were descendants of Abraham became a nation ruled by God. The book of Exodus explains how the Israelites were able to resettle the land God had promised to Abraham and gives ...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13504,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Genesis","title_en":"Book of Genesis","content_ro":"<h3>GENESIS, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First book of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Name<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Structure<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Name\">Name<\/p>\n<p>The name Genesis comes into English as a transliteration of the Greek word meaning “origin” or “beginning.” This name was given to the book in the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, known as the Septuagint. Genesis reflects both the content of the book and the Hebrew name for it, which is taken from its first word, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bere’shith<\/span><em>,<\/em> “in the beginning.”<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The authorship of Genesis is closely related to the authorship of the entire Pentateuch (lit. “five-volumed,” the first five books of the Bible, which in Hebrew are called the Torah). It is clear that the Bible regards the human author of these books as Moses. On several occasions the Lord commanded Moses to write down various things: “in a book” (Ex 17:14) “write these words” (34:27). The Pentateuch reports that “Moses wrote all the words of the <span>Lord<\/span>” (24:4); he wrote the itinerary of the exodus wanderings (Nm 33:2); “Moses wrote this law” (Dt 31:9). (Here it is not certain that all five books are meant, but it must refer to at least the greater part of Deuteronomy.) In Exodus 24:7 it is said that Moses read the Book of the Covenant, which he must have just completed.<\/p>\n<p>The rest of the OT bears witness to the writing of the Pentateuch by Moses. David referred to “the law of Moses” (1 Kgs 2:3). In the time of Josiah, there was found in the temple the “Book of the Law of the <span>Lord<\/span> . . . given through Moses” (2 Chr 34:14, <span>nlt<\/span>). Day by day Ezra read from “the Book of the Law of God” (Neh 8:18, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Jesus refers to “the book of Moses” (Mk 12:26; Lk 20:37) and otherwise mentions the commands or statements of Moses (Mt 8:4; 19:8; Mk 7:10; cf. Lk 16:31; 24:44). The Jews also quoted from the Torah as coming from Moses, and Jesus did not contradict them.<\/p>\n<p>Of Genesis in particular, it may be said that Moses had the opportunity and ability to write the book. He could have written it during his years in Egypt or while exiled with the Kenites. As the recognized leader of the Israelites, he would have had access to, or perhaps even custody of, the records that Jacob brought from Canaan. He was “instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians” (Acts 7:22) and probably could have written in several languages and in several scripts (hieroglyphic, cuneiform, Old Hebrew). Although Moses was admirably fitted for the task of writing, one must remember that he was not putting together a human composition but was writing under the inspiration of God (2 Pt 1:21). We may with confidence conclude that Moses was the human author of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>The liberal view of the authorship of Genesis is that the book is an editorial composite—a view first put forward by a French physician, Jean Astruc, who suggested that the different names for God indicated different documents or sources for the writing of the book. The German higher critics expanded the view of the use of documents in the writing of Genesis and developed it into the Graf-Wellhausen-Kuenen, or Documentary, Hypothesis, which may also be called the JEDP theory of the authorship of the book. This view holds that there were four basic documents: (1) J, which uses the name YHWH (Jehovah or Yahweh) for God, dates from about the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> and comes from Judah; (2) E uses the name Elohim, dates from the eighth century, and comes from the northern kingdom; (3) D is Deuteronomy and is supposed to come from the time of Josiah, about 621 <span>BC<\/span>; and (4) P is the priestly element, which deals with matters of the priesthood and ritual, dating to the fifth century <span>BC<\/span> or later. Some may date portions of Genesis as late as the Hellenistic period. According to this theory, the various documents were blended together by editors, so that there was a JE, JED, and so on.<\/p>\n<p>The science of archaeology discredited many of the extreme postulations of these critics, and the work of W. F. Albright and his followers did much to restore confidence in the historicity of Genesis. Within the last several decades, the patriarchal narratives and the account of Joseph have again come under strong attack, but these views are extreme, and much of the evidence adduced by Albright and earlier scholars like R. D. Wilson, W. H. Green, and others still has validity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The date of the book is also a matter of debate. Even among those who accept Mosaic authorship there is debate as to when Moses lived. Based on the biblical data, Moses should have lived in the 15th century <span>BC<\/span> (cf. Jgs 11:26; 1 Kgs 6:1), but many scholars incline toward a 13th-century date. As outlined above, the liberal view of the date of Genesis would be from the ninth to the fifth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, with the final editing coming around the fifth century or perhaps even later.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Genesis sketches the origin of many things: the universe, the earth, plants, animals, and mankind. It gives the beginnings of human institutions, professions, and crafts. It describes the origin of sin and death, and illustrates the insidious working of Satan in human life. Above all, Genesis relates the beginning of the history of redemption with the announcement of a Redeemer who was to come (Gn 3:15). It names the early progenitors in the lineage of the Messiah and the beginning of the Hebrew people through whom the Bible and the Savior came. Genesis also gives a selective history of people and events as viewed from the perspective of the purposes of God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Structure\">Structure<\/p>\n<p>The book is divided into 11 parts of uneven length, each set off by the expression “these are the generations [descendants, history] of” (2:4; 5:1; 6:9; 10:1; 11:10, 27; 25:12, 19; 36:1; 37:2). Only three times does the formula coincide with the first verse of a chapter. Usually called a heading or superscription, the expression serves as a kind of link between what precedes and what follows.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Creation (1:1–2:25)<\/h5>\n<p>These two chapters have been a scientific-theological battleground for many years, as researchers and students have tried to probe the origins of the universe and of life. Much of the evidence is not subject to scientific scrutiny, for science by definition requires that the evidence must be reproducible by experiment.<\/p>\n<p>The statement of Genesis 1:1 remains the grandest, most precise, and most accurate statement of origins: “In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.” He did this <em>ex nihilo<\/em> (“out of nothing”) by his word (Heb 11:3); he spoke the word of command and it was done (Gn 1:3, 6, 9, 11, 14, 20; Ps 33:6, 9).<\/p>\n<p>The date of the beginning is unknown. Uniformitarian cosmogonists (students of the origins of the universe who believe that natural events have always followed a uniform pattern; cf. 2 Pt 3:3-7) have speculated that the beginning of the universe was billions of years ago. But some creationists posit a world thousands of years old.<\/p>\n<p>To accommodate geological ages and the existence of extinct animals, some interpreters have proposed a gap between Genesis 1:1 and 1:2, with Genesis 1:2–2:3 representing a second or new creation. But this is conjecture. So is the idea that each day represents a geological age.<\/p>\n<p>As the text stands, there is a correlation between the first three days and the second three days. Day one saw the creation of light; day four, the light bearers. Day two was the time of the creation of the firmament (better, “expanse”), which divided the waters; day five, birds and swarming water creatures. On day three, God made the dry land and plants; on day six he created the land animals and man. He made man in the image of God (Gn 1:26), “a little less than God” (Ps 8:5), and gave him dominion over the earth. He made everything “according to their kinds,” so that each kind is distinct and unique. The perfection of his work is affirmed in that “God saw that it was good” (Gn 1:4, 10, 12, 18, 21; “very good,” v 31). The seventh day was a time of cessation from the activity of creating and served as a type for mankind’s day of rest (2:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Critical scholarship eyes 2:4-25 as a doublet in conflict with Genesis 1:1–2:3. To conservative scholars, the second chapter is the same account from a different perspective. Chapter 1 gives the Creation from the standpoint of sequence; chapter 2 shows it in view of the centrality of mankind in God’s creative work.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 2 gives details of the creation of man of “dust from the ground” (v 7) and woman from a rib of the man (vv 21-22). She was created to be “a companion who will help him” (vv 18-20). They were created as mature adults, with the gift of speech and with great intelligence. Adam had imagination and vocabulary sufficient for naming all of the animal species (v 19).<\/p>\n<p>The location of the Garden of Eden is given (vv 10-14). Two of the four rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates, can be identified with certainty. So man lived in this beautiful garden in the bliss of innocence.<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Humankind from Eden to Babel (3:1–11:26)<\/h5>\n<h6>The Fall<\/h6>\n<p>The loss of Eden and the break in fellowship with God is the saddest chapter in human history. The serpent, the devil, approached Eve with the same philosophy he always uses: doubt of God’s word (Gn 3:1), denial of death (v 4), and the suggestion of equality with God (v 5). He gained access to her will by deceiving her with the promise that the fruit would make her as wise as God is (Gn 3:5; cf. 1 Jn 2:16). Eve was deceived, but when she offered the fruit to Adam, he took it willingly, knowing what he was doing (Gn 3:6; cf. 1 Tm 2:14). Later, he tried to blame God for giving him the wife who gave him the fruit (Gn 3:12). Fellowship with God was broken (v 8), yet God came seeking Adam and found him.<\/p>\n<p>With sin came judgment, and the Lord pronounced righteous judgment on the serpent, the woman, and the man. The earth was also “subjected to frustration” and now groans as it awaits renewal (Rom 8:21-22). God gave hope to man and a promise of a Redeemer (Gn 3:15), who was to bruise the serpent’s head. Adam and Eve were forced out of the Garden, and it was made inaccessible to them.<\/p>\n<p>The impatience of humankind is shown in Eve’s expectation that her son Cain was the promised Deliverer. Instead, he developed a wrong-hearted attitude toward God and became so jealous of his younger brother that he murdered him. Apprehended by God and confronted with his crime, Cain showed only self-pity and went east from Eden, where he built a city (4:1-16). Chapter 4 closes with another contrast: the brazen Lamech, who called for vengeance, while others began to call upon the name of the Lord.<\/p>\n<h6>The Generations of Adam<\/h6>\n<p>This genealogical table (5:1-32) brings humankind to the time of Noah and the Flood. The longevity of the antediluvian patriarchs seems very striking to us, but one must remember that the earth had not yet been subjected to pollution and that the effects of sin on the human race were still nominal. The refrain “and he died” reminds us of man’s mortality. For Enoch, however, there was something better: “He enjoyed a close relationship with God throughout his life. Then, suddenly, he disappeared because God took him” (5:24, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h6>The Flood<\/h6>\n<p>With increased population came an eruption of sin (6:1-5). As men multiplied, so did their corruption. The universal condemnation of verse 5 shows a world ripe for judgment. Noah, however, “found favor with the <span>Lord<\/span>,” for he was a righteous and blameless man who walked with God (6:8-9).<\/p>\n<p>The Lord planned to annihilate the human race, but he determined to save Noah and his family. Intending to flood the earth, God instructed Noah to build an ark. Noah was directed to take animals aboard the ark, two by two, male and female, for the preservation of each species. When all was in readiness, the Flood came: “the underground waters burst forth on the earth, and the rain fell in mighty torrents from the sky” (7:11, <span>nlt<\/span>). It rained for 40 days and 40 nights. The highest mountains were covered, and life outside the ark perished. “But God remembered Noah” and sent a wind to evaporate the waters (8:1). Eventually the ark came to rest on the mountains of Ararat (v 4). Noah made a sacrifice to the Lord, and the Lord determined that he would never again bring such destruction upon the earth.<\/p>\n<p>The Flood is another of God’s acts that has been much debated. Many have argued for a local flood, which affected only part of Mesopotamia. Archaeologists have pointed to various flood strata in the excavation of Mesopotamian city-mounds as evidence for the account of the flood and have cited the various flood stories from that area as the source of the Genesis record. The epic of Gilgamesh gives an interesting tale of this hero, who went on a mission to visit Utnapishtim, the cuneiform Noah, in quest of eternal life. The flood story told by Utnapishtim has many parallels to Genesis, but there are greater contrasts, which demonstrate that the Bible preserves the true account.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Genesis account and the references to it in the NT (cf. 2 Pt 3:6) favor the view that the deluge was not a minor episode in the Tigris-Euphrates area but was an unprecedented worldwide catastrophe. Christian geologists affirm that the Flood had far-reaching effects on the earth itself. Flood stories are almost universally known, lending support to the conclusion that the Flood covered the whole earth. Following the Flood, God blessed Noah and his sons, Ham, Shem, and Japheth. God made a covenant with Noah, promising that he would never again send a worldwide flood. As a sign of this, he established the rainbow.<\/p>\n<p>Noah was the first tiller of the soil, and he planted a vineyard (9:20). Noah became drunk from wine he made and lay uncovered in his tent. Ham saw him and reported this to his brothers, who discreetly covered him. Ham and his son Canaan were cursed; Shem and Japheth were blessed.<\/p>\n<h6>The History of the Nations<\/h6>\n<p>“This is the history of the families of Shem, Ham, and Japheth, the three sons of Noah. Many children were born to them after the Flood” (10:1, <span>nlt<\/span>). This chapter lists the descendants of Noah’s three sons, in the order of Japheth (vv 2-5), Ham (vv 6-20), and Shem (vv 21-31). Many of the names of their descendants are preserved in tribes and nations of the world.<\/p>\n<h6>The Tower of Babel<\/h6>\n<p>The building of the Tower of Babel (“Gate of God”) illustrates man’s perversity and his tendency to want independence from God. The desire of man to displace God follows the fateful example of Lucifer and is a basic tenet of many cults. God thwarted the designs of the builders of Babel by confusing their languages, so that the project came to a halt (11:1-9). The site of this tower is not known with certainty. Some associate it with Birs Nimrud, not far from the ruins of the city of Babylon. Genesis 11:10-25 picks up the line of Shem and carries it down to Terah, the father of Abram.<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Abraham (11:27–25:10) and Isaac (21:1–28:5)<\/h5>\n<p>Abram came from Ur of the Chaldees, a prosperous city. The city had an imposing ziggurat (temple-tower), with many temples, storehouses, and residences. Abram and Sarai, his half sister and wife, went with his father to Haran in Syria, which like Ur was a center of the worship of the moon god, Sin (or Annar).<\/p>\n<h6>Abram’s Call<\/h6>\n<p>The call of God came to Abram directing him to leave his relatives and move to a land that the Lord would show him (12:1; cf. Acts 7:2-3). Abram obeyed. At the age of 75, he, Sarai, and his nephew Lot left Haran and went to Shechem, where the Lord appeared to him and promised that land to his descendants.<\/p>\n<p>Famine drove Abram down to Egypt (Gn 12:10-20). Because of Sarai’s beauty, he feared that someone might kill him to get her, so he passed her off as his sister. She was taken into the pharaoh’s harem. When the Lord plagued Pharaoh because of this, Abram’s lie was discovered and Sarai was returned to him.<\/p>\n<h6>Abram and Lot<\/h6>\n<p>Abram and Lot returned to Canaan, where strife broke out between Abram’s herdsmen and those of Lot. Abram suggested that they should separate, and he gave Lot the choice of territory. Lot chose the well-watered Jordan Valley and the cities of the plain, Sodom and Gomorrah (ch 13).<\/p>\n<h6>The Invasion of the Four Kings from the East<\/h6>\n<p>The four kings who invaded along the King’s Highway in Transjordan cannot be identified with certainty. Those kings were successful in their attack against the five cities of the plain, and they moved off with much booty and many captives, including Lot. Abram took 318 retainers, born in his household, and set off after them. By surprise attack, Abram recovered both Lot and the loot. On his return he was met by Melchizedek, king of Jerusalem, to whom Abram paid tithes (ch 14).<\/p>\n<h6>The Covenant<\/h6>\n<p>The Lord promised Abram a son as heir, and in an impressive nighttime ceremony, God made a covenant with Abram and promised him the land from the River of Egypt (Wadi el Arish) to the Euphrates (ch 15). Because of her own barrenness, Sarai gave her Egyptian maid, Hagar, to Abram. Hagar gave birth to Ishmael, the progenitor of the Arab peoples. When trouble arose between the women, Sarai sent Hagar away, which was her right according to Near Eastern customs (as illustrated by the Nuzi tablets). God showed mercy to Hagar and promised that she would have a great posterity (ch 16).<\/p>\n<p>God repeated his promise to Abram concerning his descendants and changed the names of Abram (“exalted father”) and Sarai to Abraham (“father of many”) and Sarah (“princess”). A covenant sign of circumcision was given to Abraham (ch 17). This operation had already been practiced among the Egyptians for several centuries.<\/p>\n<h6>The Destruction of the Cities of the Plain<\/h6>\n<p>The Lord and two angels appeared to Abraham and announced the birth of the promised heir within a year, as well as proclaimed the impending destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, concerning which Abraham bargained with God (18:22-33). Lot and his immediate family were rescued from Sodom, and the cities were destroyed by God with brimstone and fire (19:24-25). Lot’s two daughters, wishing to preserve their family line, got their father drunk and had sexual relations with him. Moab and Ammon, enemies of Israel in later times, were the result.<\/p>\n<p>In Genesis 20:1-18, Abraham again represented Sarah as his sister and got into trouble with Abimelech, king of Gerar.<\/p>\n<h6>Isaac<\/h6>\n<p>When Isaac was born (21:1-3), trouble again broke out between Sarah and Hagar. Hagar was driven out a second time, and once more was befriended by the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>A disagreement arose between Abraham and Abimelech concerning a well, but they made a covenant of peace at Beersheba (21:25-34).<\/p>\n<p>God tested Abraham’s faith by asking him to sacrifice Isaac on Mt Moriah, which probably is the same site David later bought from Araunah the Jebusite (2 Sm 24:16-25), the place where the temple was to stand. As Abraham was about to use the knife, God called to him and showed him a ram caught in a thicket. Isaac was freed and the animal was sacrificed in his stead.<\/p>\n<p>Sarah died at Hebron, and Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah as a burial place from Ephron the Hittite (ch 23), in a transaction typical of Near Eastern business dealings. To find a wife for Isaac, Abraham sent his servant Eliezer back to the area of Haran, and the Lord directed Eliezer to Rebekah (ch 24).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 25 records the marriage of Abraham to Keturah, who bore him a number of children. Abraham died at the age of 175 years and was buried in the cave of Machpelah by his two sons, Isaac and Ishmael.<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Jacob and Esau (25:19–37:1)<\/h5>\n<p>Rebekah gave birth to twin sons, Esau and Jacob. When the boys were grown, Esau sold his birthright to Jacob for a meal of red pottage (25:27-34).<\/p>\n<p>When famine came to the land, Isaac went to Gerar, as his father had done (ch 20), and repeated his father’s lie by calling his wife his sister (26:1-11). Trouble arose with the Philistines over wells, but Isaac was a peaceable man and preferred digging new wells rather than fighting over old ones (vv 17-33).<\/p>\n<p>In Isaac’s old age, when his sight had failed, Rebekah connived with Jacob to trick Isaac into giving to Jacob the blessing of the firstborn, which was rightfully Esau’s. This oral blessing had legal validity and was irrevocable, according to the ancient Nuzi tablets. Fearing for Jacob’s life at the hands of Esau, Rebekah arranged to send Jacob to Haran to find a wife from among her own people. At Bethel, God appeared to Jacob in a dream of a ladder leading up to heaven; God renewed with Jacob the promise made to Abraham and Isaac (28:10-22).<\/p>\n<p>Jacob reached Haran, found his uncle Laban, and was employed by him (ch 29). His wages for seven years of labor were to be Laban’s younger daughter, Rachel, as his wife. But Laban substituted Leah, so that Jacob had to work another seven years for Rachel. The Lord prospered Jacob, but he continually had difficulties with Laban. The Lord directed Jacob back to Canaan (31:3), so he left secretly with his wives, children, and property. Laban pursued them because his household gods were missing (possession of these “gods” made the holder heir to the owner’s estate, according to Nuzi custom). Rachel had taken them but successfully concealed them from her father, and Laban went back to Haran.<\/p>\n<p>Fearing a meeting with Esau as they passed through Edom, Jacob sent gifts to his brother and divided his own party into two camps for security. On this return journey, Jacob had an unexpected wrestling bout with the Angel of the Lord, and he was left with a limp and a new name, Israel (ch 32).<\/p>\n<p>The meeting with Esau was friendly, and Jacob went on to Shechem (ch 33), where his sons killed the male Shechemites because of the rape of their sister Dinah (ch 34). God told Jacob to go to Bethel and build an altar to the Lord. All idols of foreign gods were buried (35:1-4). At Bethel, God reaffirmed his promise of a posterity and the land (vv 9-15). Rachel died on the way to Bethlehem, while giving birth to Benjamin, Jacob’s 12th and last son. Isaac died at Hebron at age 180 and was buried in the cave of Machpelah by Esau and Jacob.<\/p>\n<p>Genesis 36 records “the generations of Esau” (v 1). Here Esau is also named Edom (“Red”; cf. 25:30).<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Joseph (37:2–50:26)<\/h5>\n<p>Joseph was Jacob’s favorite son and thus incurred the jealousy of his brothers. This was heightened by Joseph’s dreams of lordship over them. Their resentment of Joseph came to a climax when Jacob gave Joseph a beautiful coat. The brothers determined to kill Joseph, but they compromised by selling him to a caravan of merchants, who took him to Egypt and sold him as a slave to Potiphar, an Egyptian captain of the guard (37:36; 39:1).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 38 relates a historic case of levirate marriage. Judah failed to give his widowed daughter-in-law to his third son. She deceived him into fathering twin sons and forced him to acknowledge his faults. The elder son, Perez, is named in Luke’s genealogy of Jesus (Lk 3:33).<\/p>\n<p>The Lord blessed Joseph, who soon was put in charge of Potiphar’s household (Gn 39). The young man attracted the attention of Potiphar’s wife, who, after many attempts to seduce him, at last accused him of attempted rape. Sentenced on this charge, Joseph met with favor in prison, where he had opportunity to interpret dreams for two of the pharaoh’s servants (ch 40). When the king had dreams that his magicians and wise men could not interpret, Joseph was summoned from jail. Joseph told Pharaoh that the dreams meant seven years of plenty, followed by seven years of famine. Joseph was then exalted to the office of vizier, or prime minister, second only to the king, and put in charge of the administration of the land (41:37-44).<\/p>\n<p>When the famine came to Palestine, Jacob sent his sons to Egypt to purchase grain. Joseph recognized his brothers but did not reveal his identity to them. Joseph put them to the test by accusing them of being spies (42:9), by keeping one of the brothers (Simeon) hostage (v 19), and by demanding that if they came to Egypt again, they must bring their youngest brother with them (42:20; 43:3). The famine became so severe in Canaan (43:1) that Jacob at last allowed Benjamin to go with his brothers to Egypt. The brothers were again set up by Joseph, who had his silver cup put into Benjamin’s grain sack and then had him apprehended as a thief (ch 44).<\/p>\n<p>At this point Joseph revealed his identity to his brothers (45:4-15) and there was much rejoicing. Joseph pointed out that it was God who had sent him to Egypt (vv 7-8), in order to preserve the lives of all the family. Jacob was then sent for (46:1), and Joseph met him in the land of Goshen (46:28-29). The Israelites were assigned land in the region of Goshen, where they prospered (47:27).<\/p>\n<p>In Jacob’s final illness, Joseph brought his two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim, to his father for his blessing. Jacob gave the primary blessing to the second-born, Ephraim (48:13-20). Jacob blessed each of his own sons and then died at the age of at least 130 years. Joseph arranged for Jacob’s body to be prepared for burial according to Egyptian custom (50:2-3). After the burial of their father in the cave of Machpelah at Hebron, Joseph’s brothers worried about vengeance, but Joseph declared, “As far as I am concerned, God turned into good what you meant for evil. He brought me to the high position I have today so I could save the lives of many people” (v 20, <span>nlt<\/span>). Joseph died at age 110 with the prophetic request that when the Israelites went up from Egypt they would take his bones with them (50:25; cf. Ex 13:19; Jos 24:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Abraham; Adam (Person); Covenant; Creation; Eve; Fall of Man; Flood, The; Isaac; Jacob #1; Joseph #1; Nations; Noah #1; Patriarchs, Period of the.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GENESIS, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First book of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Name<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Structure<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Name\">Name<\/p>\n<p>The name Genesis comes into English as a transliteration of the Greek word meaning “origin” or “beginning.” This name was given to the book in the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, known as the Septuagint. Genesis reflects both the content of the book and the Hebrew name for it, which is taken from its first word, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bere’shith<\/span><em>,<\/em> “in the beginning.”<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The authorship of Genesis is closely related to the authorship of the entire Pentateuch (lit. “five-volumed,” the first five books of the Bible, which in Hebrew are called the Torah). It is clear that the Bible regards the human author of these books as Moses. On several occasions the Lord commanded Moses to write down various things: “in a book” (Ex 17:14) “write these words” (34:27). The Pentateuch reports that “Moses wrote all the words of the <span>Lord<\/span>” (24:4); he wrote the itinerary of the exodus wanderings (Nm 33:2); “Moses wrote this law” (Dt 31:9). (Here it is not certain that all five books are meant, but it must refer to at least the greater part of Deuteronomy.) In Exodus 24:7 it is said that Moses read the Book of the Covenant, which he must have just completed.<\/p>\n<p>The rest of the OT bears witness to the writing of the Pentateuch by Moses. David referred to “the law of Moses” (1 Kgs 2:3). In the time of Josiah, there was found in the temple the “Book of the Law of the <span>Lord<\/span> . . . given through Moses” (2 Chr 34:14, <span>nlt<\/span>). Day by day Ezra read from “the Book of the Law of God” (Neh 8:18, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Jesus refers to “the book of Moses” (Mk 12:26; Lk 20:37) and otherwise mentions the commands or statements of Moses (Mt 8:4; 19:8; Mk 7:10; cf. Lk 16:31; 24:44). The Jews also quoted from the Torah as coming from Moses, and Jesus did not contradict them.<\/p>\n<p>Of Genesis in particular, it may be said that Moses had the opportunity and ability to write the book. He could have written it during his years in Egypt or while exiled with the Kenites. As the recognized leader of the Israelites, he would have had access to, or perhaps even custody of, the records that Jacob brought from Canaan. He was “instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians” (Acts 7:22) and probably could have written in several languages and in several scripts (hieroglyphic, cuneiform, Old Hebrew). Although Moses was admirably fitted for the task of writing, one must remember that he was not putting together a human composition but was writing under the inspiration of God (2 Pt 1:21). We may with confidence conclude that Moses was the human author of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>The liberal view of the authorship of Genesis is that the book is an editorial composite—a view first put forward by a French physician, Jean Astruc, who suggested that the different names for God indicated different documents or sources for the writing of the book. The German higher critics expanded the view of the use of documents in the writing of Genesis and developed it into the Graf-Wellhausen-Kuenen, or Documentary, Hypothesis, which may also be called the JEDP theory of the authorship of the book. This view holds that there were four basic documents: (1) J, which uses the name YHWH (Jehovah or Yahweh) for God, dates from about the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> and comes from Judah; (2) E uses the name Elohim, dates from the eighth century, and comes from the northern kingdom; (3) D is Deuteronomy and is supposed to come from the time of Josiah, about 621 <span>BC<\/span>; and (4) P is the priestly element, which deals with matters of the priesthood and ritual, dating to the fifth century <span>BC<\/span> or later. Some may date portions of Genesis as late as the Hellenistic period. According to this theory, the various documents were blended together by editors, so that there was a JE, JED, and so on.<\/p>\n<p>The science of archaeology discredited many of the extreme postulations of these critics, and the work of W. F. Albright and his followers did much to restore confidence in the historicity of Genesis. Within the last several decades, the patriarchal narratives and the account of Joseph have again come under strong attack, but these views are extreme, and much of the evidence adduced by Albright and earlier scholars like R. D. Wilson, W. H. Green, and others still has validity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The date of the book is also a matter of debate. Even among those who accept Mosaic authorship there is debate as to when Moses lived. Based on the biblical data, Moses should have lived in the 15th century <span>BC<\/span> (cf. Jgs 11:26; 1 Kgs 6:1), but many scholars incline toward a 13th-century date. As outlined above, the liberal view of the date of Genesis would be from the ninth to the fifth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, with the final editing coming around the fifth century or perhaps even later.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Genesis sketches the origin of many things: the universe, the earth, plants, animals, and mankind. It gives the beginnings of human institutions, professions, and crafts. It describes the origin of sin and death, and illustrates the insidious working of Satan in human life. Above all, Genesis relates the beginning of the history of redemption with the announcement of a Redeemer who was to come (Gn 3:15). It names the early progenitors in the lineage of the Messiah and the beginning of the Hebrew people through whom the Bible and the Savior came. Genesis also gives a selective history of people and events as viewed from the perspective of the purposes of God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Structure\">Structure<\/p>\n<p>The book is divided into 11 parts of uneven length, each set off by the expression “these are the generations [descendants, history] of” (2:4; 5:1; 6:9; 10:1; 11:10, 27; 25:12, 19; 36:1; 37:2). Only three times does the formula coincide with the first verse of a chapter. Usually called a heading or superscription, the expression serves as a kind of link between what precedes and what follows.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Creation (1:1–2:25)<\/h5>\n<p>These two chapters have been a scientific-theological battleground for many years, as researchers and students have tried to probe the origins of the universe and of life. Much of the evidence is not subject to scientific scrutiny, for science by definition requires that the evidence must be reproducible by experiment.<\/p>\n<p>The statement of Genesis 1:1 remains the grandest, most precise, and most accurate statement of origins: “In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.” He did this <em>ex nihilo<\/em> (“out of nothing”) by his word (Heb 11:3); he spoke the word of command and it was done (Gn 1:3, 6, 9, 11, 14, 20; Ps 33:6, 9).<\/p>\n<p>The date of the beginning is unknown. Uniformitarian cosmogonists (students of the origins of the universe who believe that natural events have always followed a uniform pattern; cf. 2 Pt 3:3-7) have speculated that the beginning of the universe was billions of years ago. But some creationists posit a world thousands of years old.<\/p>\n<p>To accommodate geological ages and the existence of extinct animals, some interpreters have proposed a gap between Genesis 1:1 and 1:2, with Genesis 1:2–2:3 representing a second or new creation. But this is conjecture. So is the idea that each day represents a geological age.<\/p>\n<p>As the text stands, there is a correlation between the first three days and the second three days. Day one saw the creation of light; day four, the light bearers. Day two was the time of the creation of the firmament (better, “expanse”), which divided the waters; day five, birds and swarming water creatures. On day three, God made the dry land and plants; on day six he created the land animals and man. He made man in the image of God (Gn 1:26), “a little less than God” (Ps 8:5), and gave him dominion over the earth. He made everything “according to their kinds,” so that each kind is distinct and unique. The perfection of his work is affirmed in that “God saw that it was good” (Gn 1:4, 10, 12, 18, 21; “very good,” v 31). The seventh day was a time of cessation from the activity of creating and served as a type for mankind’s day of rest (2:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Critical scholarship eyes 2:4-25 as a doublet in conflict with Genesis 1:1–2:3. To conservative scholars, the second chapter is the same account from a different perspective. Chapter 1 gives the Creation from the standpoint of sequence; chapter 2 shows it in view of the centrality of mankind in God’s creative work.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 2 gives details of the creation of man of “dust from the ground” (v 7) and woman from a rib of the man (vv 21-22). She was created to be “a companion who will help him” (vv 18-20). They were created as mature adults, with the gift of speech and with great intelligence. Adam had imagination and vocabulary sufficient for naming all of the animal species (v 19).<\/p>\n<p>The location of the Garden of Eden is given (vv 10-14). Two of the four rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates, can be identified with certainty. So man lived in this beautiful garden in the bliss of innocence.<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Humankind from Eden to Babel (3:1–11:26)<\/h5>\n<h6>The Fall<\/h6>\n<p>The loss of Eden and the break in fellowship with God is the saddest chapter in human history. The serpent, the devil, approached Eve with the same philosophy he always uses: doubt of God’s word (Gn 3:1), denial of death (v 4), and the suggestion of equality with God (v 5). He gained access to her will by deceiving her with the promise that the fruit would make her as wise as God is (Gn 3:5; cf. 1 Jn 2:16). Eve was deceived, but when she offered the fruit to Adam, he took it willingly, knowing what he was doing (Gn 3:6; cf. 1 Tm 2:14). Later, he tried to blame God for giving him the wife who gave him the fruit (Gn 3:12). Fellowship with God was broken (v 8), yet God came seeking Adam and found him.<\/p>\n<p>With sin came judgment, and the Lord pronounced righteous judgment on the serpent, the woman, and the man. The earth was also “subjected to frustration” and now groans as it awaits renewal (Rom 8:21-22). God gave hope to man and a promise of a Redeemer (Gn 3:15), who was to bruise the serpent’s head. Adam and Eve were forced out of the Garden, and it was made inaccessible to them.<\/p>\n<p>The impatience of humankind is shown in Eve’s expectation that her son Cain was the promised Deliverer. Instead, he developed a wrong-hearted attitude toward God and became so jealous of his younger brother that he murdered him. Apprehended by God and confronted with his crime, Cain showed only self-pity and went east from Eden, where he built a city (4:1-16). Chapter 4 closes with another contrast: the brazen Lamech, who called for vengeance, while others began to call upon the name of the Lord.<\/p>\n<h6>The Generations of Adam<\/h6>\n<p>This genealogical table (5:1-32) brings humankind to the time of Noah and the Flood. The longevity of the antediluvian patriarchs seems very striking to us, but one must remember that the earth had not yet been subjected to pollution and that the effects of sin on the human race were still nominal. The refrain “and he died” reminds us of man’s mortality. For Enoch, however, there was something better: “He enjoyed a close relationship with God throughout his life. Then, suddenly, he disappeared because God took him” (5:24, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h6>The Flood<\/h6>\n<p>With increased population came an eruption of sin (6:1-5). As men multiplied, so did their corruption. The universal condemnation of verse 5 shows a world ripe for judgment. Noah, however, “found favor with the <span>Lord<\/span>,” for he was a righteous and blameless man who walked with God (6:8-9).<\/p>\n<p>The Lord planned to annihilate the human race, but he determined to save Noah and his family. Intending to flood the earth, God instructed Noah to build an ark. Noah was directed to take animals aboard the ark, two by two, male and female, for the preservation of each species. When all was in readiness, the Flood came: “the underground waters burst forth on the earth, and the rain fell in mighty torrents from the sky” (7:11, <span>nlt<\/span>). It rained for 40 days and 40 nights. The highest mountains were covered, and life outside the ark perished. “But God remembered Noah” and sent a wind to evaporate the waters (8:1). Eventually the ark came to rest on the mountains of Ararat (v 4). Noah made a sacrifice to the Lord, and the Lord determined that he would never again bring such destruction upon the earth.<\/p>\n<p>The Flood is another of God’s acts that has been much debated. Many have argued for a local flood, which affected only part of Mesopotamia. Archaeologists have pointed to various flood strata in the excavation of Mesopotamian city-mounds as evidence for the account of the flood and have cited the various flood stories from that area as the source of the Genesis record. The epic of Gilgamesh gives an interesting tale of this hero, who went on a mission to visit Utnapishtim, the cuneiform Noah, in quest of eternal life. The flood story told by Utnapishtim has many parallels to Genesis, but there are greater contrasts, which demonstrate that the Bible preserves the true account.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Genesis account and the references to it in the NT (cf. 2 Pt 3:6) favor the view that the deluge was not a minor episode in the Tigris-Euphrates area but was an unprecedented worldwide catastrophe. Christian geologists affirm that the Flood had far-reaching effects on the earth itself. Flood stories are almost universally known, lending support to the conclusion that the Flood covered the whole earth. Following the Flood, God blessed Noah and his sons, Ham, Shem, and Japheth. God made a covenant with Noah, promising that he would never again send a worldwide flood. As a sign of this, he established the rainbow.<\/p>\n<p>Noah was the first tiller of the soil, and he planted a vineyard (9:20). Noah became drunk from wine he made and lay uncovered in his tent. Ham saw him and reported this to his brothers, who discreetly covered him. Ham and his son Canaan were cursed; Shem and Japheth were blessed.<\/p>\n<h6>The History of the Nations<\/h6>\n<p>“This is the history of the families of Shem, Ham, and Japheth, the three sons of Noah. Many children were born to them after the Flood” (10:1, <span>nlt<\/span>). This chapter lists the descendants of Noah’s three sons, in the order of Japheth (vv 2-5), Ham (vv 6-20), and Shem (vv 21-31). Many of the names of their descendants are preserved in tribes and nations of the world.<\/p>\n<h6>The Tower of Babel<\/h6>\n<p>The building of the Tower of Babel (“Gate of God”) illustrates man’s perversity and his tendency to want independence from God. The desire of man to displace God follows the fateful example of Lucifer and is a basic tenet of many cults. God thwarted the designs of the builders of Babel by confusing their languages, so that the project came to a halt (11:1-9). The site of this tower is not known with certainty. Some associate it with Birs Nimrud, not far from the ruins of the city of Babylon. Genesis 11:10-25 picks up the line of Shem and carries it down to Terah, the father of Abram.<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Abraham (11:27–25:10) and Isaac (21:1–28:5)<\/h5>\n<p>Abram came from Ur of the Chaldees, a prosperous city. The city had an imposing ziggurat (temple-tower), with many temples, storehouses, and residences. Abram and Sarai, his half sister and wife, went with his father to Haran in Syria, which like Ur was a center of the worship of the moon god, Sin (or Annar).<\/p>\n<h6>Abram’s Call<\/h6>\n<p>The call of God came to Abram directing him to leave his relatives and move to a land that the Lord would show him (12:1; cf. Acts 7:2-3). Abram obeyed. At the age of 75, he, Sarai, and his nephew Lot left Haran and went to Shechem, where the Lord appeared to him and promised that land to his descendants.<\/p>\n<p>Famine drove Abram down to Egypt (Gn 12:10-20). Because of Sarai’s beauty, he feared that someone might kill him to get her, so he passed her off as his sister. She was taken into the pharaoh’s harem. When the Lord plagued Pharaoh because of this, Abram’s lie was discovered and Sarai was returned to him.<\/p>\n<h6>Abram and Lot<\/h6>\n<p>Abram and Lot returned to Canaan, where strife broke out between Abram’s herdsmen and those of Lot. Abram suggested that they should separate, and he gave Lot the choice of territory. Lot chose the well-watered Jordan Valley and the cities of the plain, Sodom and Gomorrah (ch 13).<\/p>\n<h6>The Invasion of the Four Kings from the East<\/h6>\n<p>The four kings who invaded along the King’s Highway in Transjordan cannot be identified with certainty. Those kings were successful in their attack against the five cities of the plain, and they moved off with much booty and many captives, including Lot. Abram took 318 retainers, born in his household, and set off after them. By surprise attack, Abram recovered both Lot and the loot. On his return he was met by Melchizedek, king of Jerusalem, to whom Abram paid tithes (ch 14).<\/p>\n<h6>The Covenant<\/h6>\n<p>The Lord promised Abram a son as heir, and in an impressive nighttime ceremony, God made a covenant with Abram and promised him the land from the River of Egypt (Wadi el Arish) to the Euphrates (ch 15). Because of her own barrenness, Sarai gave her Egyptian maid, Hagar, to Abram. Hagar gave birth to Ishmael, the progenitor of the Arab peoples. When trouble arose between the women, Sarai sent Hagar away, which was her right according to Near Eastern customs (as illustrated by the Nuzi tablets). God showed mercy to Hagar and promised that she would have a great posterity (ch 16).<\/p>\n<p>God repeated his promise to Abram concerning his descendants and changed the names of Abram (“exalted father”) and Sarai to Abraham (“father of many”) and Sarah (“princess”). A covenant sign of circumcision was given to Abraham (ch 17). This operation had already been practiced among the Egyptians for several centuries.<\/p>\n<h6>The Destruction of the Cities of the Plain<\/h6>\n<p>The Lord and two angels appeared to Abraham and announced the birth of the promised heir within a year, as well as proclaimed the impending destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, concerning which Abraham bargained with God (18:22-33). Lot and his immediate family were rescued from Sodom, and the cities were destroyed by God with brimstone and fire (19:24-25). Lot’s two daughters, wishing to preserve their family line, got their father drunk and had sexual relations with him. Moab and Ammon, enemies of Israel in later times, were the result.<\/p>\n<p>In Genesis 20:1-18, Abraham again represented Sarah as his sister and got into trouble with Abimelech, king of Gerar.<\/p>\n<h6>Isaac<\/h6>\n<p>When Isaac was born (21:1-3), trouble again broke out between Sarah and Hagar. Hagar was driven out a second time, and once more was befriended by the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>A disagreement arose between Abraham and Abimelech concerning a well, but they made a covenant of peace at Beersheba (21:25-34).<\/p>\n<p>God tested Abraham’s faith by asking him to sacrifice Isaac on Mt Moriah, which probably is the same site David later bought from Araunah the Jebusite (2 Sm 24:16-25), the place where the temple was to stand. As Abraham was about to use the knife, God called to him and showed him a ram caught in a thicket. Isaac was freed and the animal was sacrificed in his stead.<\/p>\n<p>Sarah died at Hebron, and Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah as a burial place from Ephron the Hittite (ch 23), in a transaction typical of Near Eastern business dealings. To find a wife for Isaac, Abraham sent his servant Eliezer back to the area of Haran, and the Lord directed Eliezer to Rebekah (ch 24).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 25 records the marriage of Abraham to Keturah, who bore him a number of children. Abraham died at the age of 175 years and was buried in the cave of Machpelah by his two sons, Isaac and Ishmael.<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Jacob and Esau (25:19–37:1)<\/h5>\n<p>Rebekah gave birth to twin sons, Esau and Jacob. When the boys were grown, Esau sold his birthright to Jacob for a meal of red pottage (25:27-34).<\/p>\n<p>When famine came to the land, Isaac went to Gerar, as his father had done (ch 20), and repeated his father’s lie by calling his wife his sister (26:1-11). Trouble arose with the Philistines over wells, but Isaac was a peaceable man and preferred digging new wells rather than fighting over old ones (vv 17-33).<\/p>\n<p>In Isaac’s old age, when his sight had failed, Rebekah connived with Jacob to trick Isaac into giving to Jacob the blessing of the firstborn, which was rightfully Esau’s. This oral blessing had legal validity and was irrevocable, according to the ancient Nuzi tablets. Fearing for Jacob’s life at the hands of Esau, Rebekah arranged to send Jacob to Haran to find a wife from among her own people. At Bethel, God appeared to Jacob in a dream of a ladder leading up to heaven; God renewed with Jacob the promise made to Abraham and Isaac (28:10-22).<\/p>\n<p>Jacob reached Haran, found his uncle Laban, and was employed by him (ch 29). His wages for seven years of labor were to be Laban’s younger daughter, Rachel, as his wife. But Laban substituted Leah, so that Jacob had to work another seven years for Rachel. The Lord prospered Jacob, but he continually had difficulties with Laban. The Lord directed Jacob back to Canaan (31:3), so he left secretly with his wives, children, and property. Laban pursued them because his household gods were missing (possession of these “gods” made the holder heir to the owner’s estate, according to Nuzi custom). Rachel had taken them but successfully concealed them from her father, and Laban went back to Haran.<\/p>\n<p>Fearing a meeting with Esau as they passed through Edom, Jacob sent gifts to his brother and divided his own party into two camps for security. On this return journey, Jacob had an unexpected wrestling bout with the Angel of the Lord, and he was left with a limp and a new name, Israel (ch 32).<\/p>\n<p>The meeting with Esau was friendly, and Jacob went on to Shechem (ch 33), where his sons killed the male Shechemites because of the rape of their sister Dinah (ch 34). God told Jacob to go to Bethel and build an altar to the Lord. All idols of foreign gods were buried (35:1-4). At Bethel, God reaffirmed his promise of a posterity and the land (vv 9-15). Rachel died on the way to Bethlehem, while giving birth to Benjamin, Jacob’s 12th and last son. Isaac died at Hebron at age 180 and was buried in the cave of Machpelah by Esau and Jacob.<\/p>\n<p>Genesis 36 records “the generations of Esau” (v 1). Here Esau is also named Edom (“Red”; cf. 25:30).<\/p>\n<h5>The History of Joseph (37:2–50:26)<\/h5>\n<p>Joseph was Jacob’s favorite son and thus incurred the jealousy of his brothers. This was heightened by Joseph’s dreams of lordship over them. Their resentment of Joseph came to a climax when Jacob gave Joseph a beautiful coat. The brothers determined to kill Joseph, but they compromised by selling him to a caravan of merchants, who took him to Egypt and sold him as a slave to Potiphar, an Egyptian captain of the guard (37:36; 39:1).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 38 relates a historic case of levirate marriage. Judah failed to give his widowed daughter-in-law to his third son. She deceived him into fathering twin sons and forced him to acknowledge his faults. The elder son, Perez, is named in Luke’s genealogy of Jesus (Lk 3:33).<\/p>\n<p>The Lord blessed Joseph, who soon was put in charge of Potiphar’s household (Gn 39). The young man attracted the attention of Potiphar’s wife, who, after many attempts to seduce him, at last accused him of attempted rape. Sentenced on this charge, Joseph met with favor in prison, where he had opportunity to interpret dreams for two of the pharaoh’s servants (ch 40). When the king had dreams that his magicians and wise men could not interpret, Joseph was summoned from jail. Joseph told Pharaoh that the dreams meant seven years of plenty, followed by seven years of famine. Joseph was then exalted to the office of vizier, or prime minister, second only to the king, and put in charge of the administration of the land (41:37-44).<\/p>\n<p>When the famine came to Palestine, Jacob sent his sons to Egypt to purchase grain. Joseph recognized his brothers but did not reveal his identity to them. Joseph put them to the test by accusing them of being spies (42:9), by keeping one of the brothers (Simeon) hostage (v 19), and by demanding that if they came to Egypt again, they must bring their youngest brother with them (42:20; 43:3). The famine became so severe in Canaan (43:1) that Jacob at last allowed Benjamin to go with his brothers to Egypt. The brothers were again set up by Joseph, who had his silver cup put into Benjamin’s grain sack and then had him apprehended as a thief (ch 44).<\/p>\n<p>At this point Joseph revealed his identity to his brothers (45:4-15) and there was much rejoicing. Joseph pointed out that it was God who had sent him to Egypt (vv 7-8), in order to preserve the lives of all the family. Jacob was then sent for (46:1), and Joseph met him in the land of Goshen (46:28-29). The Israelites were assigned land in the region of Goshen, where they prospered (47:27).<\/p>\n<p>In Jacob’s final illness, Joseph brought his two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim, to his father for his blessing. Jacob gave the primary blessing to the second-born, Ephraim (48:13-20). Jacob blessed each of his own sons and then died at the age of at least 130 years. Joseph arranged for Jacob’s body to be prepared for burial according to Egyptian custom (50:2-3). After the burial of their father in the cave of Machpelah at Hebron, Joseph’s brothers worried about vengeance, but Joseph declared, “As far as I am concerned, God turned into good what you meant for evil. He brought me to the high position I have today so I could save the lives of many people” (v 20, <span>nlt<\/span>). Joseph died at age 110 with the prophetic request that when the Israelites went up from Egypt they would take his bones with them (50:25; cf. Ex 13:19; Jos 24:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Abraham; Adam (Person); Covenant; Creation; Eve; Fall of Man; Flood, The; Isaac; Jacob #1; Joseph #1; Nations; Noah #1; Patriarchs, Period of the.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GENESIS, Book of First book of the Bible. Preview • Name • Author • Date • Purpose • Structure • Content Name The name Genesis comes into English as a transliteration of the Greek word meaning “origin” or “beginning.” This name was given to the book in the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, known as the Septuagint. Genesis reflects both the content of the book and the Hebrew name for it, which is taken from its first word, bere’shith, “in the beginning.” Author The authorship of Gene...","summary_en":"GENESIS, Book of First book of the Bible. Preview • Name • Author • Date • Purpose • Structure • Content Name The name Genesis comes into English as a transliteration of the Greek word meaning “origin” or “beginning.” This name was given to the book in the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, known as the Septuagint. Genesis reflects both the content of the book and the Hebrew name for it, which is taken from its first word, bere’shith, “in the beginning.” Author The authorship of Gene...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26148,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Moabites Moab","title_en":"Moabites Moab","content_ro":"<h3>MOAB, MOABITES<\/h3>\n<p>Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern border in times of weakness. The kingdom’s eastern boundary was formed by the fringe of the Syrian desert, since the latter demarcated Moab’s agricultural zone. On the south, Moab was separated from Edom by the Zered River (modern Wadi el-Hesa). Thus, even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, measuring only about 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) north-south by about 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) east-west.<\/p>\n<p>Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland that is divided by numerous ravines. Running through the heart of Moab is the King’s Highway, a route that probably had military and commercial importance throughout this region’s history (Nm 21:21-22; Jgs 11:17). The plateau has always been famous for its abundant pasturage (2 Kgs 3:4), and Moab’s soil and climate are quite suitable for growing wheat and barley.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandHistory\">Origin and History<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 19:37, the Moabites descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter. Deuteronomy 2:10-11, a passage whose context relates to the Moabites at the time of the Hebrew invasion, says that the pre-Moabite inhabitants of this region were the Emim, but the connection between Lot’s descendants, the Emim, and the occupants of Moab at the time of the Hebrew invasion is not identified. There is thus far no specific information concerning the establishing of the Moabite kingdom proper, which existed from around 1300 <span>BC<\/span> to 600 <span>BC<\/span>. Knowledge of this period of Moabite history and culture is derived from archaeological and textual sources, including Egyptian, Assyrian, and OT texts.<\/p>\n<p>Prior to the Israelites’ passage through Transjordan, the Moabites had lost control of the land north of the Arnon and were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (Nm 21:13, 26). Having been refused permission to travel through Edom and Moab along the King’s Highway, the Hebrews defeated Sihon in one of their most celebrated military campaigns. Fearing that Israel might conquer his land, King Balak of Moab waged war against the Hebrews (Nm 22:6; Jos 24:9) and hired the Mesopotamian diviner, Balaam, to pronounce a curse upon his enemies (Nm 22–24). The tribes of Reuben and Gad settled in Sihon’s territory, and the Arnon formed the border between Israel and Moab (ch 32). From the time of the Israelites’ apostasy at Shittim onward (ch 25), the Moabite tableland north of the Arnon was a source of contention between Moab and Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Until his assassination by Ehud, the Moabite king Eglon oppressed the Hebrew tribes on both sides of the Jordan (Jgs 3:12-30). By Jephthah’s day, northern Moab was once again under Israelite control (11:26). Obviously, as the book of Ruth indicates, there were also periods in which Moab and Israel lived in peace.<\/p>\n<p>During the reigns of Saul and David, from the late-11th until the mid-10th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, Moab and Israel were at war, with the latter usually holding the upper hand (1 Sm 14:47; 2 Sm 8:2). Solomon’s harem included Moabite women, and he also built a high place for Chemosh, the chief god of the Moabites (1 Kgs 11:1, 7). Following the division of the Israelite monarchy in 930 <span>BC<\/span>, Moab experienced a brief period of independence, but this ended when Omri and Ahab dominated the Moabites and their king, Mesha, during the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. (The famous Moabite Stone, which describes Mesha’s conflict with the Omride dynasty, and several shorter texts demonstrate that the language of Moab was closely related to OT Hebrew.) Conflict between Moab and her neighbors (e.g., Israel, Judah, Edom, and most importantly, Assyria) continued until the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the Moabite kingdom early in the sixth century <span>BC<\/span> (Ez 25:8-11). This conflict is documented in the Assyrian literature, which indicates that Moab became an Assyrian vassal in the late eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, and in the OT (2 Kgs 3; 10:32-33; 13:20; 24:2). Indeed, the enmity between Moab, Israel, and Judah is especially evident in a series of prophetic oracles leveled against the Moabites (Is 15–16; Jer 9:25-26; 48; Am 2:1-3; Zep 2:8-11). These passages call attention to some of the major towns in ancient Moab (Nebo, Medeba, Heshbon, Dibon, Ar, Kir, and Horonaim).<\/p>\n<p>Following the Babylonian conquest, the region of Moab fell under Persian control and was occupied by various Arab peoples, most notably the Nabateans. Although a Moabite state was never reestablished, people of Moabite ancestry were recognized in late OT times (Ezr 9:1; Neh 13:1, 23), since the postexilic Jewish community was concerned about observing the law recorded in Deuteronomy 23:3-6. In <span>AD<\/span> 106 the region of Moab became part of the Roman province of Arabia. Archaeological research has added much to the body of information that relates to Moabite history and culture from the prehistoric through Ottoman periods.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Religion\">Religion<\/p>\n<p>During the third and second millennia <span>BC<\/span>, Moabite religion was probably similar to that practiced by the Canaanites, though the religion of Moab eventually developed into a relatively distinct system. Although other deities were worshiped by the Moabites, Chemosh was their national god. The OT refers to the Moabites as “people of Chemosh” (Nm 21:29; Jer 48:46), and the frequent appearance of “Chemosh” in Moabite personal names points to this god’s elevated status. In general, the Moabite Stone’s dozen references to Chemosh portray him as a god of war who leads his people against their enemies.<\/p>\n<p>Divine guidance and favor were sought, and diviners and oracles were respected (Nm 22–24). A priesthood (Jer 48:7) and sacrificial system (Nm 22:40–23:30; 25:1-5; 2 Kgs 3:27; Jer 48:35) were important aspects of Moabite religion. No Moabite sanctuary has been discovered, but their existence is mentioned in the Moabite Stone and the OT (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:13). Elaborately furnished tombs, like those found at Dibon, point to the Moabites’ belief in the afterlife.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moabite Stone.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MOAB, MOABITES<\/h3>\n<p>Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern border in times of weakness. The kingdom’s eastern boundary was formed by the fringe of the Syrian desert, since the latter demarcated Moab’s agricultural zone. On the south, Moab was separated from Edom by the Zered River (modern Wadi el-Hesa). Thus, even at its peak, ancient Moab encompassed a relatively small territory, measuring only about 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) north-south by about 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) east-west.<\/p>\n<p>Most of Moab is gently rolling tableland that is divided by numerous ravines. Running through the heart of Moab is the King’s Highway, a route that probably had military and commercial importance throughout this region’s history (Nm 21:21-22; Jgs 11:17). The plateau has always been famous for its abundant pasturage (2 Kgs 3:4), and Moab’s soil and climate are quite suitable for growing wheat and barley.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandHistory\">Origin and History<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 19:37, the Moabites descended from Moab, the son of Lot and his oldest daughter. Deuteronomy 2:10-11, a passage whose context relates to the Moabites at the time of the Hebrew invasion, says that the pre-Moabite inhabitants of this region were the Emim, but the connection between Lot’s descendants, the Emim, and the occupants of Moab at the time of the Hebrew invasion is not identified. There is thus far no specific information concerning the establishing of the Moabite kingdom proper, which existed from around 1300 <span>BC<\/span> to 600 <span>BC<\/span>. Knowledge of this period of Moabite history and culture is derived from archaeological and textual sources, including Egyptian, Assyrian, and OT texts.<\/p>\n<p>Prior to the Israelites’ passage through Transjordan, the Moabites had lost control of the land north of the Arnon and were dominated by Sihon, the Amorite king who ruled at Heshbon (Nm 21:13, 26). Having been refused permission to travel through Edom and Moab along the King’s Highway, the Hebrews defeated Sihon in one of their most celebrated military campaigns. Fearing that Israel might conquer his land, King Balak of Moab waged war against the Hebrews (Nm 22:6; Jos 24:9) and hired the Mesopotamian diviner, Balaam, to pronounce a curse upon his enemies (Nm 22–24). The tribes of Reuben and Gad settled in Sihon’s territory, and the Arnon formed the border between Israel and Moab (ch 32). From the time of the Israelites’ apostasy at Shittim onward (ch 25), the Moabite tableland north of the Arnon was a source of contention between Moab and Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Until his assassination by Ehud, the Moabite king Eglon oppressed the Hebrew tribes on both sides of the Jordan (Jgs 3:12-30). By Jephthah’s day, northern Moab was once again under Israelite control (11:26). Obviously, as the book of Ruth indicates, there were also periods in which Moab and Israel lived in peace.<\/p>\n<p>During the reigns of Saul and David, from the late-11th until the mid-10th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, Moab and Israel were at war, with the latter usually holding the upper hand (1 Sm 14:47; 2 Sm 8:2). Solomon’s harem included Moabite women, and he also built a high place for Chemosh, the chief god of the Moabites (1 Kgs 11:1, 7). Following the division of the Israelite monarchy in 930 <span>BC<\/span>, Moab experienced a brief period of independence, but this ended when Omri and Ahab dominated the Moabites and their king, Mesha, during the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. (The famous Moabite Stone, which describes Mesha’s conflict with the Omride dynasty, and several shorter texts demonstrate that the language of Moab was closely related to OT Hebrew.) Conflict between Moab and her neighbors (e.g., Israel, Judah, Edom, and most importantly, Assyria) continued until the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the Moabite kingdom early in the sixth century <span>BC<\/span> (Ez 25:8-11). This conflict is documented in the Assyrian literature, which indicates that Moab became an Assyrian vassal in the late eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, and in the OT (2 Kgs 3; 10:32-33; 13:20; 24:2). Indeed, the enmity between Moab, Israel, and Judah is especially evident in a series of prophetic oracles leveled against the Moabites (Is 15–16; Jer 9:25-26; 48; Am 2:1-3; Zep 2:8-11). These passages call attention to some of the major towns in ancient Moab (Nebo, Medeba, Heshbon, Dibon, Ar, Kir, and Horonaim).<\/p>\n<p>Following the Babylonian conquest, the region of Moab fell under Persian control and was occupied by various Arab peoples, most notably the Nabateans. Although a Moabite state was never reestablished, people of Moabite ancestry were recognized in late OT times (Ezr 9:1; Neh 13:1, 23), since the postexilic Jewish community was concerned about observing the law recorded in Deuteronomy 23:3-6. In <span>AD<\/span> 106 the region of Moab became part of the Roman province of Arabia. Archaeological research has added much to the body of information that relates to Moabite history and culture from the prehistoric through Ottoman periods.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Religion\">Religion<\/p>\n<p>During the third and second millennia <span>BC<\/span>, Moabite religion was probably similar to that practiced by the Canaanites, though the religion of Moab eventually developed into a relatively distinct system. Although other deities were worshiped by the Moabites, Chemosh was their national god. The OT refers to the Moabites as “people of Chemosh” (Nm 21:29; Jer 48:46), and the frequent appearance of “Chemosh” in Moabite personal names points to this god’s elevated status. In general, the Moabite Stone’s dozen references to Chemosh portray him as a god of war who leads his people against their enemies.<\/p>\n<p>Divine guidance and favor were sought, and diviners and oracles were respected (Nm 22–24). A priesthood (Jer 48:7) and sacrificial system (Nm 22:40–23:30; 25:1-5; 2 Kgs 3:27; Jer 48:35) were important aspects of Moabite religion. No Moabite sanctuary has been discovered, but their existence is mentioned in the Moabite Stone and the OT (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:13). Elaborately furnished tombs, like those found at Dibon, point to the Moabites’ belief in the afterlife.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Moabite Stone.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MOAB, MOABITES Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern ...","summary_en":"MOAB, MOABITES Name of a small kingdom in central Transjordan and also its inhabitants. The land of Moab was situated on the high plateau immediately east of the Dead Sea; the escarpment of the Jordan Rift formed an effective boundary between Moab and Judah. Moab’s northern boundary shifted in accordance with the kingdom’s military might, with the Heshbon vicinity forming the northern limit of Moab in periods of strength, and the Arnon River (modern Wadi el-Mojib) functioning as the northern ...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45845,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","summary_en":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73471,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","summary_en":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101097,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","summary_en":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128723,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:26<\/strong> Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s <span>BC<\/span> or the 1200s <span>BC<\/span> (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s <em>300 years<\/em> is probably a round figure.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","summary_en":"11:26 Whether the conquest and settlement took place in the 1400s BC or the 1200s BC (see Judges Book Introduction, “Chronology of the Judges Era”), Jephthah’s 300 years is probably a round figure.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"27":[{"id":21334,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21384,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Judgment Seat","title_en":"Judgment Seat","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGMENT SEAT<\/h3>\n<p>Place before which people will one day stand to give an account of their lives to God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The NT concept of divine judgment has its roots in the OT. There God is seen as Judge of the whole world, and especially of his own people.<\/p>\n<p>During his intercession for Sodom, Abraham spoke of God as the Judge of all the earth (Gn 18:25). Moses’ position as judge over the Israelites was based on the belief that God gave judgments through Moses. A similar relationship existed between God and the judges who led Israel after the conquest of the Promised Land. That understanding of God became explicit in Jephthah’s message to the king of Ammon: “Let the <span>Lord<\/span>, who is judge, decide today which of us is right—Israel or Ammon” (Jgs 11:27, <span>nlt<\/span>). When God called Samuel, he told Samuel that he (God) would judge Eli’s house.<\/p>\n<p>The concept of God as the Judge of his people is prevalent in the Psalms and Prophets. In Psalm 9:4 David said of God, “For you have judged in my favor; from your throne, you have judged with fairness” (<span>nlt<\/span>). He added, “But the <span>Lord<\/span> reigns forever, executing judgment from his throne. He will judge the world with justice and rule the nations with fairness” (9:7-8, <span>nlt<\/span>). Isaiah described a future day when God shall judge the nations (Is 2:4). Joel also spoke of God as the judge of the nations (Jl 3:12).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>Statements like those above formed part of the background for the NT understanding of the judgment seat of God or Christ. The image of a judgment seat came from the fact that in the Roman world judgment took place on a platform (Gk, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">bema<\/span>) or tribunal, from which a judge would hear and decide cases. Thus, most of the NT references to a judgment seat occur when Jesus, or the apostle Paul, was brought before a ruling authority. For example, Pilate sat on his judgment seat when he tried Jesus (Mt 27:19; cf. Jn 19:13; Acts 18:12, 16-17; 25:6, 10, 17).<\/p>\n<p>The two passages in the NT that speak directly of the judgment seat of God or Christ are Romans 14:10 and 2 Corinthians 5:10. In Romans 14:10 Paul addressed the urgent problem of unity within the church—unity based on a loving acceptance of those with different understandings of the effects of faith in a Christian’s daily life. Paul urged the Christians, both Jews and Gentiles, to accept one another in spite of differences concerning eating certain foods and observing certain days. All, he reminded them, must eventually stand before the judgment seat of God to give an account of the way they had lived. Further, since God is the ultimate Judge, Christians should not judge one another. Again, in 2 Corinthians 5 Paul told the Corinthian Christians why Christians strive to please the Lord: all must appear before the judgment seat of Christ to be recompensed for their deeds. The judgment seat of Christ or God, therefore, expresses the ultimate accountability of the Christian.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bema; Judgment; Last Judgment; Second Coming of Christ.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGMENT SEAT<\/h3>\n<p>Place before which people will one day stand to give an account of their lives to God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The NT concept of divine judgment has its roots in the OT. There God is seen as Judge of the whole world, and especially of his own people.<\/p>\n<p>During his intercession for Sodom, Abraham spoke of God as the Judge of all the earth (Gn 18:25). Moses’ position as judge over the Israelites was based on the belief that God gave judgments through Moses. A similar relationship existed between God and the judges who led Israel after the conquest of the Promised Land. That understanding of God became explicit in Jephthah’s message to the king of Ammon: “Let the <span>Lord<\/span>, who is judge, decide today which of us is right—Israel or Ammon” (Jgs 11:27, <span>nlt<\/span>). When God called Samuel, he told Samuel that he (God) would judge Eli’s house.<\/p>\n<p>The concept of God as the Judge of his people is prevalent in the Psalms and Prophets. In Psalm 9:4 David said of God, “For you have judged in my favor; from your throne, you have judged with fairness” (<span>nlt<\/span>). He added, “But the <span>Lord<\/span> reigns forever, executing judgment from his throne. He will judge the world with justice and rule the nations with fairness” (9:7-8, <span>nlt<\/span>). Isaiah described a future day when God shall judge the nations (Is 2:4). Joel also spoke of God as the judge of the nations (Jl 3:12).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>Statements like those above formed part of the background for the NT understanding of the judgment seat of God or Christ. The image of a judgment seat came from the fact that in the Roman world judgment took place on a platform (Gk, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">bema<\/span>) or tribunal, from which a judge would hear and decide cases. Thus, most of the NT references to a judgment seat occur when Jesus, or the apostle Paul, was brought before a ruling authority. For example, Pilate sat on his judgment seat when he tried Jesus (Mt 27:19; cf. Jn 19:13; Acts 18:12, 16-17; 25:6, 10, 17).<\/p>\n<p>The two passages in the NT that speak directly of the judgment seat of God or Christ are Romans 14:10 and 2 Corinthians 5:10. In Romans 14:10 Paul addressed the urgent problem of unity within the church—unity based on a loving acceptance of those with different understandings of the effects of faith in a Christian’s daily life. Paul urged the Christians, both Jews and Gentiles, to accept one another in spite of differences concerning eating certain foods and observing certain days. All, he reminded them, must eventually stand before the judgment seat of God to give an account of the way they had lived. Further, since God is the ultimate Judge, Christians should not judge one another. Again, in 2 Corinthians 5 Paul told the Corinthian Christians why Christians strive to please the Lord: all must appear before the judgment seat of Christ to be recompensed for their deeds. The judgment seat of Christ or God, therefore, expresses the ultimate accountability of the Christian.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bema; Judgment; Last Judgment; Second Coming of Christ.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGMENT SEAT Place before which people will one day stand to give an account of their lives to God. In the Old Testament The NT concept of divine judgment has its roots in the OT. There God is seen as Judge of the whole world, and especially of his own people. During his intercession for Sodom, Abraham spoke of God as the Judge of all the earth (Gn 18:25). Moses’ position as judge over the Israelites was based on the belief that God gave judgments through Moses. A similar relationship existe...","summary_en":"JUDGMENT SEAT Place before which people will one day stand to give an account of their lives to God. In the Old Testament The NT concept of divine judgment has its roots in the OT. There God is seen as Judge of the whole world, and especially of his own people. During his intercession for Sodom, Abraham spoke of God as the Judge of all the earth (Gn 18:25). Moses’ position as judge over the Israelites was based on the belief that God gave judgments through Moses. A similar relationship existe...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45846,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","summary_en":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73472,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","summary_en":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101098,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","summary_en":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128724,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:27<\/strong> Jephthah appealed to <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>,<\/em> the great <em>judge<\/em>, to decide between <em>Israel<\/em> and <em>Ammon<\/em>. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","summary_en":"11:27 Jephthah appealed to the Lord, the great judge, to decide between Israel and Ammon. The Lord’s response (11:29-33) was his answer.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"29":[{"id":18899,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36052,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Spirit of God","title_en":"Spirit of God","content_ro":"<h3>SPIRIT OF GOD<\/h3>\n<p>Description of God in action, God in motion. The word “spirit” (Hebrew, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">ruach<\/span><em>;<\/em> Greek, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">pneuma<\/span>) is the word used from ancient times to describe and explain the experience of divine power working in, upon, and around people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>There are three basic meanings evident in the use of “spirit” from the earliest Hebrew writings: It was a wind from God, it was the breath of life, and it was a spirit of ecstasy.<\/p>\n<p>First, it was a wind from God (the same Hebrew word translated “Spirit” in Gn 1:2) that caused the waters of the Flood to subside (8:1). A wind from God blew locusts over Egypt (Ex 10:13) and quail over the camp of Israel. The blast of his nostrils separated the waters of the Red Sea at the exodus (14:21).<\/p>\n<p>Second, it was the breath of God that made man a living being (Gn 2:7). It is one of the earliest perceptions of Hebrew faith that humans live only because of the stirring of the divine breath or spirit within them (Gn 6:3; Jb 33:4; 34:14-15; Ps 104:29-30). Later, a clearer distinction was drawn between divine Spirit and human spirit, and between spirit and soul, but at the earliest stage these were all more or less perceived to be synonymous manifestations of the same divine power, the source of all life—animal as well as human (Gn 7:15, 22; see Eccl 3:19-21).<\/p>\n<p>Third, there were occasions when this divine power seemed to overtake and possess an individual fully, so that his or her words or actions far transcended those of normal behavior. Such a person was clearly marked as an agent of God’s purpose and given respect. This was apparently how leaders were recognized in the premonarchy period—Othniel (Jgs 3:10), Gideon (6:34), Jephthah (11:29), and the first king, Saul (1 Sm 11:6), as well. So, too, the earliest prophets were those whose inspiration came in ecstasy (1 Sm 19:20-24).<\/p>\n<p>In the earlier stages of Hebrew thought, ecstatic experience was seen as the direct effect of divine power. This was true even when the ecstasy was recognized as evil in character, as in the case of Saul’s seizure by the Spirit (1 Sm 16:14-16). A spirit from God could be for evil as well as for good (see Jgs 9:23; 1 Kgs 22:19-23).<\/p>\n<h5>In the Writings of the Prophets<\/h5>\n<p>For Isaiah, the spirit was that which characterized God and distinguished him and his actions from human affairs (Is 31:3). Later, the adjective “holy” appeared as that which distinguished the Spirit of God from any other spirit, human or divine (Ps 51:11; Is 63:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of false prophecy emphasized the danger of assuming that every message delivered in ecstasy was the word of the Lord. Thus, tests of prophecy evaluated the content of the message delivered or the character of the prophet’s life, not the degree or quality of inspiration (see Dt 13:1-5; 18:22; Jer 23:14; Mi 3:5). This sense of a need to discriminate between true and false inspiration and to distinguish the word of God from the merely ecstatic oracle may help to explain the otherwise puzzling reluctance of the major eighth- and seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> prophets to attribute their inspiration to the Spirit.<\/p>\n<h5>In the Exilic and Postexilic Writings<\/h5>\n<p>In exilic and postexilic literature, the role of the Spirit is narrowed to two major functions: that of the prophetic Spirit and that of the Spirit of the age to come.<\/p>\n<p>The later prophets again spoke of the Spirit in explicit terms as the inspirer of prophecy (see Ez 3:1-4, 22-24; Hg 2:5; Zec 4:6). As they looked back to the preexilic period, these prophets freely attributed the inspiration of “the former prophets” to the Spirit as well (Zec 7:12).<\/p>\n<p>This tendency to exalt the Spirit’s role as the inspirer of prophecy became steadily stronger in the period between the OT and NT, until in rabbinic Judaism the Spirit was almost exclusively the inspirer of the prophetic writings now regarded as Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>The other understanding of the Spirit’s role during exilic and postexilic times was that the Spirit would be the manifestation of the power of God in the age to come. That eschatological hope of divine power effecting a final cleansing and a renewed creation is rooted principally in Isaiah’s prophecies (Is 4:4; 32:15; 44:3-4). Isaiah speaks of one anointed by the Spirit to accomplish complete and final salvation (11:2; 42:1; 61:1). Elsewhere, the same longing is expressed in terms of the Spirit being freely dispensed to all Israel (Ez 39:29; Jl 2:28-29; Zec 12:10) in the new covenant (Jer 31:31-34; Ez 36:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the period prior to Jesus, the understanding of the Spirit as the Spirit of prophecy and as the Spirit of the age to come had developed into the widespread dogma that the Spirit was no longer to be experienced in the present. The Spirit had been known in the past as the inspirer of prophetic writings, but after Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, the Spirit had withdrawn (1 Macc 4:44-46; 9:27; 2 Bar 85:1-3; see also Ps 74:9; Zec 13:2-6). The Spirit would be known again in the age of the Messiah, but in the interim the Spirit was absent from Israel. Even the great Hillel (learned Jewish leader and teacher, 60? <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 20?), a near contemporary of Jesus, had not received the Spirit—though if anyone was worthy of the Spirit, it was he. There is a tradition that at a meeting of Hillel and other wise men, a voice from heaven said, “Among those here present is one who would have deserved the Holy Spirit to rest upon him, if his time had been worthy of it.” The wise men all looked at Hillel.<\/p>\n<p>The consequence of this accepted dearth of the Spirit was that the Spirit in effect became subordinated to the law. The Spirit was the inspirer of the law, but since the Spirit could no longer be experienced directly, the law became the sole voice of the Spirit. It was this increasing dominance of the law and its authoritative interpreters that provided the background for the mission of Jesus and the initial spread of Christianity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>If we are to understand the NT’s teaching on the Spirit, we must recognize both its continuity and discontinuity with the OT. At many points NT usage cannot be fully understood except against the background of OT concepts or passages. For example, the ambiguity of John 3:8 (“wind,” “Spirit”), 2 Thessalonians 2:8 (“breath”), and Revelation 11:11 (“breath of life”) takes us back to the basic Hebrew meanings of “spirit.” Acts 8:39 and Revelation 17:3 and 21:10 reflect the same conception of the Spirit that we find in 1 Kings 18:12, 2 Kings 2:16, and Ezekiel 3:14. The NT writers generally share the rabbinic view that Scripture has the authority of the Spirit behind it (see Mk 12:36; Acts 28:25; Heb 3:7; 2 Pt 1:21). The principal continuity is that the NT brings the fulfillment of what the OT writers looked forward to. At the same time, Christianity is not simply fulfilled Judaism. Jesus’ coming and his giving of his Spirit to live within his believers marks off the new faith as something new and distinct.<\/p>\n<h5>The Spirit of the New Age<\/h5>\n<p>The most striking feature of Jesus’ ministry and of the message of the earliest Christians was their conviction and proclamation that the blessings of the new age were already present, that the eschatological Spirit had already been poured out. With the exception of the Essenes at Qumran, no other group or individual within the Jewish religion of that time had dared to make such a bold claim. The prophets and the rabbis looked for a messianic age yet to come, and the apocalyptic writers warned of its imminent arrival, but none thought of it as already present. Even John the Baptist spoke only of one about to come and of the Spirit’s operation in the imminent future (Mk 1:8). But for Jesus and first-century Christians, the longed for hope was a living reality, and the claim carried with it the exciting sense of being in “the last days.” Without some recognition of that eschatological dimension of the Christians’ faith and life, we cannot understand this teaching on, and experience of, the Spirit.<\/p>\n<p>Jesus clearly thought of his teachings and healings as fulfillment of the prophetic hope (Mt 12:41-42; 13:16-17; Lk 17:20-21). In particular, he saw himself as the one anointed by the Spirit to provide salvation (Mt 5:3-6; 11:5; Lk 4:17-19). So, too, Jesus understood his exorcisms as the effect of the power of God and as manifestations of the end-time rule of God (Mt 12:27-28; Mk 3:22-26). The Gospel writers, especially Luke, emphasize the eschatological character of Jesus’ life and ministry by stressing the role of the Spirit in his birth (Mt 1:18; Lk 1:35, 41, 67; 2:25-27), his baptism (Mk 1:9-10; Acts 10:38), and his ministry (Mt 4:1; 12:18; Mk 1:12; Lk 4:1, 14; 10:21; Jn 3:34).<\/p>\n<p>The Christian church began with the in-breathing of the Holy Spirit on the day of Christ’s resurrection (Jn 20:22), followed by the outpouring of the Spirit at Pentecost “in the last days.” The overwhelming experience of vision and inspired utterance was taken as proof positive that the new age prophesied by Joel had now arrived (Acts 2:2-5, 17-18). Similarly, in Hebrews the gift of the Spirit is spoken of as “the powers of the age to come” (Heb 6:4-5). More striking still is Paul’s understanding of the Spirit as the guarantee of God’s complete salvation (2 Cor 1:22; 5:5; Eph 1:13-14), and as the first installment of the believer’s inheritance of God’s kingdom (Rom 8:15-17; 1 Cor 6:9-11; 15:42-50; Gal 4:6-7; 5:16-18, 21-23; Eph 1:13-14). The Spirit is here again thought of as the power of the age to come, as that power (which will characterize God’s rule at the end of time) already shaping and transforming the lives of believers.<\/p>\n<p>For Paul, this means also that the gift of the Spirit is but the beginning of a lifelong process that will not end until the believer’s whole person is brought under the Spirit’s power (Rom 8:11, 23; 1 Cor 15:44-49; 2 Cor 3:18; 5:1-5). It also means that the present experience of faith is one of lifelong tension between what God has already begun to bring about in the believer’s life and what has not yet been brought under God’s grace (Phil 1:6). It is this tension between life “in the Spirit” and life “in the flesh” (see Gal 2:20) that comes to poignant expression in Romans 7:24 and 2 Corinthians 5:2-4.<\/p>\n<h5>The Spirit of New Life<\/h5>\n<p>Since the Spirit is the mark of the new age, it is not surprising that the NT writers understood the gift of the Spirit to be that which brings an individual into the new age. John the Baptist described the way the coming one would baptize with the Holy Spirit and with fire (Mt 3:11). According to Acts 1:5 and 11:16, this imagery was taken up by Jesus, and the promise is seen as fulfilled at Pentecost—the outpouring of the Spirit here being understood as the risen Christ’s action in drawing his disciples into the new age (Acts 2:17, 33).<\/p>\n<p>It seems to be one of Luke’s aims in the book of Acts to highlight the central importance of the gift of the Spirit in conversion-initiation—it is that decisive “gift of the Holy Spirit” that makes one a Christian (Acts 2:38-39). People could have been followers of Jesus on earth, but it was only when they received the gift of the Spirit that they could be said to have “believed in the Lord Jesus Christ” (11:16-17). When the Spirit’s presence was manifested in and upon a person’s life, that was recognized by Peter as proof enough that God had accepted that person, even though he or she had not yet made any formal profession of faith or been baptized (10:44-48; 11:15-18; 15:7-9). So too Apollos, already aglow with the Spirit (18:25), even though his knowledge of “the way of God” was slightly defective (vv 24-26), apparently was not required to supplement his “baptism of John” with Christian baptism. However, the 12 so-called disciples at Ephesus proved by their very ignorance of the Spirit that they were not yet disciples of the Lord Jesus (19:1-6). Paul asked these 12 men, “Did you receive the Holy Spirit when you believed?” (19:2).<\/p>\n<p>This accords with Paul’s emphasis in his letters. Belief and reception of the Spirit go together: to receive the Spirit is to begin the Christian life (Gal 3:2-3); to be baptized in the Spirit is to become a member of the body of Christ (1 Cor 12:13); to “have the Spirit of Christ” is to belong to Christ (Rom 8:9-11); to receive the Spirit is tantamount to becoming a child of God (Rom 8:14-17; Gal 4:6-7). The Spirit so characterizes the new age and the life of the new age that only the gift of the Spirit can bring a person into the new age to experience the life of the new age. For the Spirit is distinctively and peculiarly the life-giver; the Spirit indeed <em>is<\/em> the life of the new age (Rom 8:2, 6, 10; 1 Cor 15:45; 2 Cor 3:6; Gal 5:25).<\/p>\n<p>In just the same way in John’s writings, the Spirit is characteristically the life-giving Spirit (Jn 6:63), the power from above, the seed of divine life that brings about the new birth (Jn 3:3-8; 1 Jn 3:9), and a river of living water that brings life when one believes in Christ (Jn 7:37-39; so also 4:10, 14). Or again, reception of the Spirit in John 20:22 is depicted as a new creation analogous to Genesis 2:7. Consequently, in 1 John 3:24 and 4:13, possession and experience of the Spirit count as one of the “tests of life” listed in that letter.<\/p>\n<h5>Manifestations of the Spirit<\/h5>\n<p>It will be clear from what has already been said that when the first Christians, like the ancient Hebrews, spoke of the Spirit, they were thinking of experiences of divine power. In the NT, as in the OT, “Spirit” is the word used to explain the experience of new life and vitality (see above), of liberation from legalism (e.g., Rom 8:2; 2 Cor 3:17), of spiritual refreshing and renewal (cf. e.g., Is 32:15; Ez 39:29 with Jn 7:37-39; Rom 5:5; 1 Cor 12:13; 1 Tm 3:5-6). It is important to realize how wide a range of experiences were attributed to the Spirit: ecstatic experiences (Acts 2:24; 10:43-47; 19:6; cf. 10:10; 22:17—“in ecstasy”; 2 Cor 12:1-4; Rv 1:10), emotional experiences (e.g., love—Rom 5:5; joy—Acts 13:52; 1 Thes 1:6; see also Gal 5:22; Phil 2:1-2), experiences of illumination (2 Cor 3:14-17; Eph 1:17-18; Heb 6:4-5; 1 Jn 2:20-21), and experiences issuing in moral transformation (1 Cor 6:9-11). Likewise, when Paul speaks of spiritual gifts, called <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">charismata<\/span> (acts or words that bring divine grace to concrete expression), he evidently has a wide range of actual events in mind: inspired speech (1 Cor 12:8-10; 1 Thes 1:5), miracles and healings (1 Cor 12:9; Gal 3:5; cf. Heb 2:4), and various acts of service and help, of counsel and administration, and of aid and mercy (Rom 12:7-8; 1 Cor 12:28).<\/p>\n<p>In talking thus of the Spirit in terms of experience, we should not overemphasize particular experiences or manifestations, as though earliest Christianity consisted of a sequence of mountaintop experiences or spiritual highs. There clearly were such experiences, indeed a wide range of experiences, but no one experience is singled out to be sought by all (except prophecy). There is no distinctively second (or third) experience of the Spirit in the NT, and Paul warned against overvaluing particular manifestations of the Spirit (1 Cor 14:6-19; 2 Cor 12:1-10; cf. Mk 8:11-13). Where particular experiences are valued, it is as manifestations of a more sustained experience, particular expressions of an underlying relationship (cf. Acts 6:3-5; 11:24—“full of the Spirit”; Eph 5:18). What we are in touch with here is the vigor of the experiential dimension of earliest Christianity. If the Spirit is the breath of the new life in Christ (cf. Ez 37:9-10, 14; Jn 20:22; 1 Cor 15:45), then presumably the analogy extends further, and the experience of the Spirit is like the experience of breathing: one is not conscious of it all the time, but if one is not conscious of it, at least sometimes, something is wrong.<\/p>\n<h5>The Fellowship of the Spirit<\/h5>\n<p>It was out of this shared experience of the Spirit that the earliest Christian community grew and developed, for this is what “the fellowship [<span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">koinonia<\/span>] of the Spirit” properly means: common participation in the same Spirit (Phil 2:1; cf. Acts 2:42; 1 Cor 1:4-9). It was the gift of the Spirit that brought those in Samaria, Caesarea, and elsewhere effectively into the community of the Spirit (Act 8, 10). So also, it was the experience of the one Spirit that provided the unifying bond in the churches of Paul’s mission (1 Cor 12:13; Eph 4:3-4; Phil 2:1-2). Here we see the real importance of the divine manifestations of the Spirit for Paul: it is out of the diversity of these particular manifestations that the body of Christ grows in unity (Rom 12:4-8; 1 Cor 12:12-17; Eph 4:4-16).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SPIRIT OF GOD<\/h3>\n<p>Description of God in action, God in motion. The word “spirit” (Hebrew, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">ruach<\/span><em>;<\/em> Greek, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">pneuma<\/span>) is the word used from ancient times to describe and explain the experience of divine power working in, upon, and around people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>There are three basic meanings evident in the use of “spirit” from the earliest Hebrew writings: It was a wind from God, it was the breath of life, and it was a spirit of ecstasy.<\/p>\n<p>First, it was a wind from God (the same Hebrew word translated “Spirit” in Gn 1:2) that caused the waters of the Flood to subside (8:1). A wind from God blew locusts over Egypt (Ex 10:13) and quail over the camp of Israel. The blast of his nostrils separated the waters of the Red Sea at the exodus (14:21).<\/p>\n<p>Second, it was the breath of God that made man a living being (Gn 2:7). It is one of the earliest perceptions of Hebrew faith that humans live only because of the stirring of the divine breath or spirit within them (Gn 6:3; Jb 33:4; 34:14-15; Ps 104:29-30). Later, a clearer distinction was drawn between divine Spirit and human spirit, and between spirit and soul, but at the earliest stage these were all more or less perceived to be synonymous manifestations of the same divine power, the source of all life—animal as well as human (Gn 7:15, 22; see Eccl 3:19-21).<\/p>\n<p>Third, there were occasions when this divine power seemed to overtake and possess an individual fully, so that his or her words or actions far transcended those of normal behavior. Such a person was clearly marked as an agent of God’s purpose and given respect. This was apparently how leaders were recognized in the premonarchy period—Othniel (Jgs 3:10), Gideon (6:34), Jephthah (11:29), and the first king, Saul (1 Sm 11:6), as well. So, too, the earliest prophets were those whose inspiration came in ecstasy (1 Sm 19:20-24).<\/p>\n<p>In the earlier stages of Hebrew thought, ecstatic experience was seen as the direct effect of divine power. This was true even when the ecstasy was recognized as evil in character, as in the case of Saul’s seizure by the Spirit (1 Sm 16:14-16). A spirit from God could be for evil as well as for good (see Jgs 9:23; 1 Kgs 22:19-23).<\/p>\n<h5>In the Writings of the Prophets<\/h5>\n<p>For Isaiah, the spirit was that which characterized God and distinguished him and his actions from human affairs (Is 31:3). Later, the adjective “holy” appeared as that which distinguished the Spirit of God from any other spirit, human or divine (Ps 51:11; Is 63:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of false prophecy emphasized the danger of assuming that every message delivered in ecstasy was the word of the Lord. Thus, tests of prophecy evaluated the content of the message delivered or the character of the prophet’s life, not the degree or quality of inspiration (see Dt 13:1-5; 18:22; Jer 23:14; Mi 3:5). This sense of a need to discriminate between true and false inspiration and to distinguish the word of God from the merely ecstatic oracle may help to explain the otherwise puzzling reluctance of the major eighth- and seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> prophets to attribute their inspiration to the Spirit.<\/p>\n<h5>In the Exilic and Postexilic Writings<\/h5>\n<p>In exilic and postexilic literature, the role of the Spirit is narrowed to two major functions: that of the prophetic Spirit and that of the Spirit of the age to come.<\/p>\n<p>The later prophets again spoke of the Spirit in explicit terms as the inspirer of prophecy (see Ez 3:1-4, 22-24; Hg 2:5; Zec 4:6). As they looked back to the preexilic period, these prophets freely attributed the inspiration of “the former prophets” to the Spirit as well (Zec 7:12).<\/p>\n<p>This tendency to exalt the Spirit’s role as the inspirer of prophecy became steadily stronger in the period between the OT and NT, until in rabbinic Judaism the Spirit was almost exclusively the inspirer of the prophetic writings now regarded as Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>The other understanding of the Spirit’s role during exilic and postexilic times was that the Spirit would be the manifestation of the power of God in the age to come. That eschatological hope of divine power effecting a final cleansing and a renewed creation is rooted principally in Isaiah’s prophecies (Is 4:4; 32:15; 44:3-4). Isaiah speaks of one anointed by the Spirit to accomplish complete and final salvation (11:2; 42:1; 61:1). Elsewhere, the same longing is expressed in terms of the Spirit being freely dispensed to all Israel (Ez 39:29; Jl 2:28-29; Zec 12:10) in the new covenant (Jer 31:31-34; Ez 36:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the period prior to Jesus, the understanding of the Spirit as the Spirit of prophecy and as the Spirit of the age to come had developed into the widespread dogma that the Spirit was no longer to be experienced in the present. The Spirit had been known in the past as the inspirer of prophetic writings, but after Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, the Spirit had withdrawn (1 Macc 4:44-46; 9:27; 2 Bar 85:1-3; see also Ps 74:9; Zec 13:2-6). The Spirit would be known again in the age of the Messiah, but in the interim the Spirit was absent from Israel. Even the great Hillel (learned Jewish leader and teacher, 60? <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 20?), a near contemporary of Jesus, had not received the Spirit—though if anyone was worthy of the Spirit, it was he. There is a tradition that at a meeting of Hillel and other wise men, a voice from heaven said, “Among those here present is one who would have deserved the Holy Spirit to rest upon him, if his time had been worthy of it.” The wise men all looked at Hillel.<\/p>\n<p>The consequence of this accepted dearth of the Spirit was that the Spirit in effect became subordinated to the law. The Spirit was the inspirer of the law, but since the Spirit could no longer be experienced directly, the law became the sole voice of the Spirit. It was this increasing dominance of the law and its authoritative interpreters that provided the background for the mission of Jesus and the initial spread of Christianity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>If we are to understand the NT’s teaching on the Spirit, we must recognize both its continuity and discontinuity with the OT. At many points NT usage cannot be fully understood except against the background of OT concepts or passages. For example, the ambiguity of John 3:8 (“wind,” “Spirit”), 2 Thessalonians 2:8 (“breath”), and Revelation 11:11 (“breath of life”) takes us back to the basic Hebrew meanings of “spirit.” Acts 8:39 and Revelation 17:3 and 21:10 reflect the same conception of the Spirit that we find in 1 Kings 18:12, 2 Kings 2:16, and Ezekiel 3:14. The NT writers generally share the rabbinic view that Scripture has the authority of the Spirit behind it (see Mk 12:36; Acts 28:25; Heb 3:7; 2 Pt 1:21). The principal continuity is that the NT brings the fulfillment of what the OT writers looked forward to. At the same time, Christianity is not simply fulfilled Judaism. Jesus’ coming and his giving of his Spirit to live within his believers marks off the new faith as something new and distinct.<\/p>\n<h5>The Spirit of the New Age<\/h5>\n<p>The most striking feature of Jesus’ ministry and of the message of the earliest Christians was their conviction and proclamation that the blessings of the new age were already present, that the eschatological Spirit had already been poured out. With the exception of the Essenes at Qumran, no other group or individual within the Jewish religion of that time had dared to make such a bold claim. The prophets and the rabbis looked for a messianic age yet to come, and the apocalyptic writers warned of its imminent arrival, but none thought of it as already present. Even John the Baptist spoke only of one about to come and of the Spirit’s operation in the imminent future (Mk 1:8). But for Jesus and first-century Christians, the longed for hope was a living reality, and the claim carried with it the exciting sense of being in “the last days.” Without some recognition of that eschatological dimension of the Christians’ faith and life, we cannot understand this teaching on, and experience of, the Spirit.<\/p>\n<p>Jesus clearly thought of his teachings and healings as fulfillment of the prophetic hope (Mt 12:41-42; 13:16-17; Lk 17:20-21). In particular, he saw himself as the one anointed by the Spirit to provide salvation (Mt 5:3-6; 11:5; Lk 4:17-19). So, too, Jesus understood his exorcisms as the effect of the power of God and as manifestations of the end-time rule of God (Mt 12:27-28; Mk 3:22-26). The Gospel writers, especially Luke, emphasize the eschatological character of Jesus’ life and ministry by stressing the role of the Spirit in his birth (Mt 1:18; Lk 1:35, 41, 67; 2:25-27), his baptism (Mk 1:9-10; Acts 10:38), and his ministry (Mt 4:1; 12:18; Mk 1:12; Lk 4:1, 14; 10:21; Jn 3:34).<\/p>\n<p>The Christian church began with the in-breathing of the Holy Spirit on the day of Christ’s resurrection (Jn 20:22), followed by the outpouring of the Spirit at Pentecost “in the last days.” The overwhelming experience of vision and inspired utterance was taken as proof positive that the new age prophesied by Joel had now arrived (Acts 2:2-5, 17-18). Similarly, in Hebrews the gift of the Spirit is spoken of as “the powers of the age to come” (Heb 6:4-5). More striking still is Paul’s understanding of the Spirit as the guarantee of God’s complete salvation (2 Cor 1:22; 5:5; Eph 1:13-14), and as the first installment of the believer’s inheritance of God’s kingdom (Rom 8:15-17; 1 Cor 6:9-11; 15:42-50; Gal 4:6-7; 5:16-18, 21-23; Eph 1:13-14). The Spirit is here again thought of as the power of the age to come, as that power (which will characterize God’s rule at the end of time) already shaping and transforming the lives of believers.<\/p>\n<p>For Paul, this means also that the gift of the Spirit is but the beginning of a lifelong process that will not end until the believer’s whole person is brought under the Spirit’s power (Rom 8:11, 23; 1 Cor 15:44-49; 2 Cor 3:18; 5:1-5). It also means that the present experience of faith is one of lifelong tension between what God has already begun to bring about in the believer’s life and what has not yet been brought under God’s grace (Phil 1:6). It is this tension between life “in the Spirit” and life “in the flesh” (see Gal 2:20) that comes to poignant expression in Romans 7:24 and 2 Corinthians 5:2-4.<\/p>\n<h5>The Spirit of New Life<\/h5>\n<p>Since the Spirit is the mark of the new age, it is not surprising that the NT writers understood the gift of the Spirit to be that which brings an individual into the new age. John the Baptist described the way the coming one would baptize with the Holy Spirit and with fire (Mt 3:11). According to Acts 1:5 and 11:16, this imagery was taken up by Jesus, and the promise is seen as fulfilled at Pentecost—the outpouring of the Spirit here being understood as the risen Christ’s action in drawing his disciples into the new age (Acts 2:17, 33).<\/p>\n<p>It seems to be one of Luke’s aims in the book of Acts to highlight the central importance of the gift of the Spirit in conversion-initiation—it is that decisive “gift of the Holy Spirit” that makes one a Christian (Acts 2:38-39). People could have been followers of Jesus on earth, but it was only when they received the gift of the Spirit that they could be said to have “believed in the Lord Jesus Christ” (11:16-17). When the Spirit’s presence was manifested in and upon a person’s life, that was recognized by Peter as proof enough that God had accepted that person, even though he or she had not yet made any formal profession of faith or been baptized (10:44-48; 11:15-18; 15:7-9). So too Apollos, already aglow with the Spirit (18:25), even though his knowledge of “the way of God” was slightly defective (vv 24-26), apparently was not required to supplement his “baptism of John” with Christian baptism. However, the 12 so-called disciples at Ephesus proved by their very ignorance of the Spirit that they were not yet disciples of the Lord Jesus (19:1-6). Paul asked these 12 men, “Did you receive the Holy Spirit when you believed?” (19:2).<\/p>\n<p>This accords with Paul’s emphasis in his letters. Belief and reception of the Spirit go together: to receive the Spirit is to begin the Christian life (Gal 3:2-3); to be baptized in the Spirit is to become a member of the body of Christ (1 Cor 12:13); to “have the Spirit of Christ” is to belong to Christ (Rom 8:9-11); to receive the Spirit is tantamount to becoming a child of God (Rom 8:14-17; Gal 4:6-7). The Spirit so characterizes the new age and the life of the new age that only the gift of the Spirit can bring a person into the new age to experience the life of the new age. For the Spirit is distinctively and peculiarly the life-giver; the Spirit indeed <em>is<\/em> the life of the new age (Rom 8:2, 6, 10; 1 Cor 15:45; 2 Cor 3:6; Gal 5:25).<\/p>\n<p>In just the same way in John’s writings, the Spirit is characteristically the life-giving Spirit (Jn 6:63), the power from above, the seed of divine life that brings about the new birth (Jn 3:3-8; 1 Jn 3:9), and a river of living water that brings life when one believes in Christ (Jn 7:37-39; so also 4:10, 14). Or again, reception of the Spirit in John 20:22 is depicted as a new creation analogous to Genesis 2:7. Consequently, in 1 John 3:24 and 4:13, possession and experience of the Spirit count as one of the “tests of life” listed in that letter.<\/p>\n<h5>Manifestations of the Spirit<\/h5>\n<p>It will be clear from what has already been said that when the first Christians, like the ancient Hebrews, spoke of the Spirit, they were thinking of experiences of divine power. In the NT, as in the OT, “Spirit” is the word used to explain the experience of new life and vitality (see above), of liberation from legalism (e.g., Rom 8:2; 2 Cor 3:17), of spiritual refreshing and renewal (cf. e.g., Is 32:15; Ez 39:29 with Jn 7:37-39; Rom 5:5; 1 Cor 12:13; 1 Tm 3:5-6). It is important to realize how wide a range of experiences were attributed to the Spirit: ecstatic experiences (Acts 2:24; 10:43-47; 19:6; cf. 10:10; 22:17—“in ecstasy”; 2 Cor 12:1-4; Rv 1:10), emotional experiences (e.g., love—Rom 5:5; joy—Acts 13:52; 1 Thes 1:6; see also Gal 5:22; Phil 2:1-2), experiences of illumination (2 Cor 3:14-17; Eph 1:17-18; Heb 6:4-5; 1 Jn 2:20-21), and experiences issuing in moral transformation (1 Cor 6:9-11). Likewise, when Paul speaks of spiritual gifts, called <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">charismata<\/span> (acts or words that bring divine grace to concrete expression), he evidently has a wide range of actual events in mind: inspired speech (1 Cor 12:8-10; 1 Thes 1:5), miracles and healings (1 Cor 12:9; Gal 3:5; cf. Heb 2:4), and various acts of service and help, of counsel and administration, and of aid and mercy (Rom 12:7-8; 1 Cor 12:28).<\/p>\n<p>In talking thus of the Spirit in terms of experience, we should not overemphasize particular experiences or manifestations, as though earliest Christianity consisted of a sequence of mountaintop experiences or spiritual highs. There clearly were such experiences, indeed a wide range of experiences, but no one experience is singled out to be sought by all (except prophecy). There is no distinctively second (or third) experience of the Spirit in the NT, and Paul warned against overvaluing particular manifestations of the Spirit (1 Cor 14:6-19; 2 Cor 12:1-10; cf. Mk 8:11-13). Where particular experiences are valued, it is as manifestations of a more sustained experience, particular expressions of an underlying relationship (cf. Acts 6:3-5; 11:24—“full of the Spirit”; Eph 5:18). What we are in touch with here is the vigor of the experiential dimension of earliest Christianity. If the Spirit is the breath of the new life in Christ (cf. Ez 37:9-10, 14; Jn 20:22; 1 Cor 15:45), then presumably the analogy extends further, and the experience of the Spirit is like the experience of breathing: one is not conscious of it all the time, but if one is not conscious of it, at least sometimes, something is wrong.<\/p>\n<h5>The Fellowship of the Spirit<\/h5>\n<p>It was out of this shared experience of the Spirit that the earliest Christian community grew and developed, for this is what “the fellowship [<span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">koinonia<\/span>] of the Spirit” properly means: common participation in the same Spirit (Phil 2:1; cf. Acts 2:42; 1 Cor 1:4-9). It was the gift of the Spirit that brought those in Samaria, Caesarea, and elsewhere effectively into the community of the Spirit (Act 8, 10). So also, it was the experience of the one Spirit that provided the unifying bond in the churches of Paul’s mission (1 Cor 12:13; Eph 4:3-4; Phil 2:1-2). Here we see the real importance of the divine manifestations of the Spirit for Paul: it is out of the diversity of these particular manifestations that the body of Christ grows in unity (Rom 12:4-8; 1 Cor 12:12-17; Eph 4:4-16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SPIRIT OF GOD Description of God in action, God in motion. The word “spirit” (Hebrew, ruach; Greek, pneuma) is the word used from ancient times to describe and explain the experience of divine power working in, upon, and around people. In the Old Testament There are three basic meanings evident in the use of “spirit” from the earliest Hebrew writings: It was a wind from God, it was the breath of life, and it was a spirit of ecstasy. First, it was a wind from God (the same Hebrew word translat...","summary_en":"SPIRIT OF GOD Description of God in action, God in motion. The word “spirit” (Hebrew, ruach; Greek, pneuma) is the word used from ancient times to describe and explain the experience of divine power working in, upon, and around people. In the Old Testament There are three basic meanings evident in the use of “spirit” from the earliest Hebrew writings: It was a wind from God, it was the breath of life, and it was a spirit of ecstasy. First, it was a wind from God (the same Hebrew word translat...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45847,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:29","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","summary_en":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73473,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:29","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","summary_en":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101099,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:29","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","summary_en":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128725,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:29","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:29-31<\/strong> <em>The Spirit of the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span>, a consistent sign of inspired authority, <em>came upon Jephthah<\/em>, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of <em>Gilead and Manasseh, including<\/em> his hometown of <em>Mizpah in Gilead,<\/em> gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous <em>vow<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","summary_en":"11:29-31 The Spirit of the Lord, a consistent sign of inspired authority, came upon Jephthah, and he journeyed through the tribal lands of Gilead and Manasseh, including his hometown of Mizpah in Gilead, gathering troops. During this time leading up to battle, he made his infamous vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":60618,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Spirit Empowerment","title_en":"Spirit Empowerment","content_ro":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","summary_ro":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","summary_en":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61011,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Charismatic Leadership","title_en":"Charismatic Leadership","content_ro":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","summary_en":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61207,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence","title_en":"The Spirit’s Presence","content_ro":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","summary_en":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":88244,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Spirit Empowerment","title_en":"Spirit Empowerment","content_ro":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","summary_ro":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","summary_en":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":88637,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Charismatic Leadership","title_en":"Charismatic Leadership","content_ro":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","summary_en":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":88833,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence","title_en":"The Spirit’s Presence","content_ro":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","summary_en":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":115870,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Spirit Empowerment","title_en":"Spirit Empowerment","content_ro":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","summary_ro":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","summary_en":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116263,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Charismatic Leadership","title_en":"Charismatic Leadership","content_ro":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","summary_en":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116459,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence","title_en":"The Spirit’s Presence","content_ro":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","summary_en":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":143496,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Spirit Empowerment","title_en":"Spirit Empowerment","content_ro":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Spirit Empowerment<\/h3>\n<p>Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord redistributed the Spirit that Moses already possessed and empowered these men for service (Num 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua was empowered by the Lord’s Spirit as Moses’ successor (Num 27:18; cp. Deut 34:9). In the period of the Judges, the Spirit of the Lord came to the aid of Israel’s leaders as, for example, in the work of Othniel (Judg 3:10), Gideon (Judg 6:34), Jephthah (Judg 11:29), and Samson (Judg 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14). David had access to the strength of God’s presence, and his awareness of God’s actions—in history and in his own experience—made him a great leader (e.g., 1 Sam 16:13; 17:45; 18:12, 28). The prophets knew that their special ministry was possible because of the Spirit’s presence and power (e.g., Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Zech 4:6).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was filled with God’s Spirit and empowered for a unique ministry (see Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 10:38), and he spoke about the Spirit’s special role in the church (Acts 1:8). The arrival of the Spirit enabled the assembled believers to speak powerfully on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:4-5, 16-18; cp. Joel 2:28-29). The Spirit emboldened and empowered the church after Pentecost (Acts 4:31; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5) and remains with God’s people today. The Spirit moves as circumstances require to provide spiritual renewal and strength to God’s people, and the Spirit continues to equip God’s people for whatever tasks he calls them to do.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 11:16-30; 24:1-9; 27:18-23; Deut 34:10-12; Judg 3:9-10; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 16:13; Pss 23; 46:1; 94:16-19; 116:1-9; 121:1-8; 143:10-12; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Joel 2:28-29; Zech 4:6; Matt 12:18; Luke 4:1, 14, 18; John 3:34; Acts 1:8; 2:4, 16-18; 4:31; 10:38; 19:6; 20:28; 1 Cor 12:1-31; Gal 3:2-5<\/p>","summary_ro":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","summary_en":"Spirit Empowerment Throughout Scripture, when the need arises, God empowers in special ways those who are committed to his service. The account of Moses and the seventy elders is one early instance, and it reminds us that God has moved and worked among his people in special ways throughout the ages. When Moses reached the end of his patience and his ability to manage rebellious Israel (Num 11:1-15), God told him to select seventy men to help him (11:16-17; cp. Exod 18:14-26). Then the Lord re...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":143889,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Charismatic Leadership","title_en":"Charismatic Leadership","content_ro":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Charismatic Leadership<\/h3>\n<p>Some leaders in Scripture are described as <em>charismatic<\/em> (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities.<\/p>\n<p>The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight” (Judg 3:12; 4:1; 6:1; Judg 10:6; 13:1), with enemy oppression as the inevitable result.<\/p>\n<p>The inspired leadership of the judges fits a pattern. The judges were “raised up” by the Spirit and were sustained by prophetic affirmation. What might have led to prophetic utterance in other periods of Israel’s history (e.g., 1 Sam 10:6; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8), in the times of the judges led to physical prowess (e.g., Samson, Judg 14:6, 19; 15:14), skill, or commanding authority (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus and the apostles exercised charismatic leadership. As the Jewish authorities were fond of pointing out, Jesus had no “official” authority; yet, he displayed tremendous power and gained a signifcant following. And although the apostles were appointed to what we might consider to be an “office,” there was at that time virtually no structure to back up the office; when they exercised authority, it was purely charismatic. Peter’s healing of the beggar (Acts 3:1-8) provides a classic contrast between the accoutrements of office, such as “silver and gold,” and true spiritual power.<\/p>\n<p>Charisma has been a powerful tool for effective leadership from the heroes of Israel to the present time. But the successes of charismatic leadership can also be fleeting, particularly when the Spirit, who equips such leaders, is no longer operational in the leader’s life (see Judg 16:20-21; 1 Sam 16:14; Isa 63:10). Those who have been specially gifted by the Spirit to lead must continually be mindful of and dependent on that same Spirit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 31:2-5; Judg 2:16-19; 3:10, 27-28; 6:34-35; 11:29; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Sam 10:6; 16:13-18; 2 Sam 23:2; Isa 61:1; Ezek 11:5; Mic 3:8; Matt 3:16–4:2; Acts 6:8; 8:4-40; Rom 1:11; 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11; Eph 4:11-12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","summary_en":"Charismatic Leadership Some leaders in Scripture are described as charismatic (gifted) because their authority did not come from an office or a structure but from the inspiration of God’s Spirit, who gave them particular qualities. The judges are often included among this group. These charismatic leaders arose in troubled and unsettled times and in response to a crisis. In Judges, these crises were repeatedly precipitated by the fact that “the Israelites did evil in the Lord’s sight” (Judg 3:...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144085,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence","title_en":"The Spirit’s Presence","content_ro":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Spirit’s Presence<\/h3>\n<p>In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel anointed David as the next king (16:13), the Spirit left Saul (16:14), who was disobedient and had been rejected by God as king (13:7-14; 15:10-29; cp. 28:15; Judg 16:20). After David had sinned with Bathsheba, he prayed to be spared this same judgment (Ps 51:11).<\/p>\n<p>In the New Testament, God’s Holy Spirit is given to all who put their faith in Christ for salvation, not just to individuals in specific roles (see Acts 2:14-21; 1 Cor 12:1-13; Eph 1:13-14). Still, the Spirit performs a similar role in equipping God’s servants to do the work that God has called them to do (see 1 Cor 12:7-10). The Old Testament departure of the Spirit from Saul tangibly demonstrates the need for the New Testament warnings not to sin against the Spirit and not to bring sorrow to the Spirit (see Mark 3:28-29; Eph 4:30; Heb 6:1-8).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 41:37-40; Exod 31:1-6; Judg 3:9-11; 6:34; 11:29; 14:5-6; 16:20-21; 1 Sam 10:1-10; 11:6-7; 16:13-23; 19:19-23; 2 Chr 20:13-19; 24:20-22; Ps 51:11-12; Isa 11:1-5; Jer 31:33-34; Joel 2:28-29; Mark 3:28-29; Acts 2:1-21; 4:31; Eph 1:13-14; 4:30; Heb 6:4-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","summary_en":"The Spirit’s Presence In the Old Testament, the Spirit of the Lord came upon a person or group when they were called to do a task or ordained for an office. The Spirit “came upon” the judges Othniel, Gideon, and Jephthah (Judg 3:10; 6:34; 11:29), empowering them for service. Saul and David both received the Spirit of God when they were anointed king (1 Sam 10:1, 9-10; 16:13). The Spirit would depart when the task had been completed or when the officeholder was removed from office. When Samuel...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"30":[{"id":61117,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Vows to God","title_en":"Vows to God","content_ro":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","summary_en":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":88743,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Vows to God","title_en":"Vows to God","content_ro":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","summary_en":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116369,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Vows to God","title_en":"Vows to God","content_ro":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","summary_en":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":143995,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Vows to God","title_en":"Vows to God","content_ro":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Vows to God<\/h3>\n<p>The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8).<\/p>\n<p>Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their requests. Then they would pay or fulfill their vows to God, often by giving offerings (e.g., Lev 7:16; 22:23; Deut 12:11).<\/p>\n<p>However, vows could be abused. The law itself warns against this (Deut 23:21-23), as do the wisdom teachings (e.g., Prov 7:10-14; 20:25) and the books of the prophets (see, e.g., Jer 44:25). Saul was prone both to make foolish vows (1 Sam 14:24-28) and to not keep the vows he made (19:6). Impulsive vows might go unfulfilled and never paid, arousing God’s anger. Not making a vow is better than backing out of one (Eccl 5:3-5). Jesus counsels us not to make vows, but simply to keep our word (Matt 5:33-37; cp. Jas 5:12).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 28:20-22; Num 21:2-3; 30:1-16; Deut 23:18-23; Judg 11:30-40; 1 Sam 1:11, 24-28; 14:24-45; Ps 76:11; Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5; Mal 1:14; Matt 5:33-37; Acts 18:18; 21:23-24; Jas 5:12<\/p>","summary_ro":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","summary_en":"Vows to God The essence of a vow to God is, “If God will do X, then I will dedicate Y” to God or his sanctuary. Examples include Jacob’s tithing (Gen 28:20-22), the Israelites’ dealing with the Canaanite spoils of war (Num 21:2), Hannah’s dedicating her son as a lifelong servant of the Lord (1 Sam 1:11), and Absalom’s sacrificing to God at Hebron (2 Sam 15:8). Guidelines for vows are frequently mentioned in the sacrificial laws. Israelites made vows conditional upon God’s granting their reque...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"31":[{"id":45848,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:31","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","summary_en":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73474,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:31","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","summary_en":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101100,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:31","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","summary_en":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128726,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:31","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:31<\/strong> Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","summary_en":"11:31 Nowhere does the Lord demand such bargaining for his favor. Vows were made under a variety of circumstances and usually involved some gift (offering) dedicated to the Lord in response to his aid (cp. Gen 28:20-22). The more common preparation for battle was priestly sacrifice (1 Sam 13:8-12). Jephthah’s vow created the possibility that some person in his household would become a human sacrifice, an act strictly forbidden in Israelite law (Deut 18:10).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"32":[{"id":45849,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:32","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:32","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","summary_en":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73475,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:32","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:32","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","summary_en":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101101,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:32","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:32","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","summary_en":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128727,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:32","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:32","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:32<\/strong> No connection is drawn between the <em>victory<\/em>, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","summary_en":"11:32 No connection is drawn between the victory, which was the Lord’s gift, and Jephthah’s vow.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"33":[{"id":100,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Abel-Keramim","title_en":"Abel-Keramim","content_ro":"<h3>ABEL-KERAMIM<\/h3>\n<p>City taken by Jephthah the Israelite judge when he conquered the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). It was located south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ABEL-KERAMIM<\/h3>\n<p>City taken by Jephthah the Israelite judge when he conquered the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). It was located south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ABEL-KERAMIM City taken by Jephthah the Israelite judge when he conquered the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). It was located south of the Jabbok River.","summary_en":"ABEL-KERAMIM City taken by Jephthah the Israelite judge when he conquered the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). It was located south of the Jabbok River.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2771,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aroer","title_en":"Aroer","content_ro":"<h3>AROER<\/h3>\n<li>1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34).<\/li>\n<p>Aroer was the hub city for a number of villages (Jgs 11:26) and was the city from which the census began under King David (2 Sm 24:5). The Moabites gained control of it during the later monarchy and kept it until the time of Jeremiah (Jer 48:19). King Hazael of Damascus captured Aroer, assuring Syrian control of Transjordan (2 Kgs 10:33).<\/p>\n<p>Aroer has been identified with a mound beside the village ’Ara’ir, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) southeast of Dibon on the east side of the ancient north-south Transjordan highway.<\/p>\n<li>2. City assigned to Gad’s tribe (Jos 13:25), mentioned as a point of reference in Jephthah’s victory over the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). This Aroer has been tentatively placed in the area northwest of Amman and east of Rabbah.<\/li>\n<li>3. City in the Negev Desert area of Judah. Aroer was one of the villages receiving spoil taken in David’s victory over the Amalekites (1 Sm 30:28). Two of David’s “mighty men” were sons of Hotham the Aroerite (1 Chr 11:44). This Aroer has been identified with Khirbet ’Ar’areh, located about 12 miles (19 kilometers) southeast of Beersheba.<\/li>\n<li>4. City near Damascus (Is 17:2). The Hebrew text reads “the cities of Aroer,” but the Septuagint (ancient Greek OT) has “her cities for ever” (a reading adopted by the <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>AROER<\/h3>\n<li>1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34).<\/li>\n<p>Aroer was the hub city for a number of villages (Jgs 11:26) and was the city from which the census began under King David (2 Sm 24:5). The Moabites gained control of it during the later monarchy and kept it until the time of Jeremiah (Jer 48:19). King Hazael of Damascus captured Aroer, assuring Syrian control of Transjordan (2 Kgs 10:33).<\/p>\n<p>Aroer has been identified with a mound beside the village ’Ara’ir, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) southeast of Dibon on the east side of the ancient north-south Transjordan highway.<\/p>\n<li>2. City assigned to Gad’s tribe (Jos 13:25), mentioned as a point of reference in Jephthah’s victory over the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). This Aroer has been tentatively placed in the area northwest of Amman and east of Rabbah.<\/li>\n<li>3. City in the Negev Desert area of Judah. Aroer was one of the villages receiving spoil taken in David’s victory over the Amalekites (1 Sm 30:28). Two of David’s “mighty men” were sons of Hotham the Aroerite (1 Chr 11:44). This Aroer has been identified with Khirbet ’Ar’areh, located about 12 miles (19 kilometers) southeast of Beersheba.<\/li>\n<li>4. City near Damascus (Is 17:2). The Hebrew text reads “the cities of Aroer,” but the Septuagint (ancient Greek OT) has “her cities for ever” (a reading adopted by the <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/li>","summary_ro":"AROER 1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34). Aroe...","summary_en":"AROER 1. Transjordanian city existing from Moses’ time until the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC). It was among the cities that Israel conquered from Sihon the Amorite and Og the Bashanite in an area assigned to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to half of Manasseh’s tribe. Aroer was on the southern border of that territory (Jos 13:9), on the northern rim of the large Arnon Canyon (Dt 2:36; 3:12; 4:48; Jos 13:9). Evidently the city was rebuilt after Israel destroyed it (cf. Jos 12:2; Nm 32:34). Aroe...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":25939,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Minnith","title_en":"Minnith","content_ro":"<h3>MINNITH<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 10 cities conquered by Jephthah in his defeat of the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). The city was a center for the wheat trade (Ez 27:17).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MINNITH<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 10 cities conquered by Jephthah in his defeat of the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). The city was a center for the wheat trade (Ez 27:17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"MINNITH One of the 10 cities conquered by Jephthah in his defeat of the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). The city was a center for the wheat trade (Ez 27:17).","summary_en":"MINNITH One of the 10 cities conquered by Jephthah in his defeat of the Ammonites (Jgs 11:33). The city was a center for the wheat trade (Ez 27:17).","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"34":[{"id":18901,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26544,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Music","title_en":"Music","content_ro":"<h3>MUSIC<\/h3>\n<p>A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship.<\/p>\n<p>The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human impulse to sing. The injunction “sing to the Lord” was a signal for the people to pour out their praise in song.<\/p>\n<p>The Bible, however, is limited in its treatment of music in ancient Israel. Since there was no written musical notation, the primary record of songs sung by the Hebrews is the collection of texts, particularly the psalms, and a few enigmatic musical instructions. The biblical writers were writing a history not of their culture but of their relationship with God; hence, their comments about music are not critical. Also, the biblical documents cover a long span of history and are grouped according to category rather than in chronological order, thus making it difficult to order the development of musical style with precision. Finally, there is the problem of understanding the biblical descriptions of music and its performance. Only in this century have scholars been able to interpret the information provided in the Bible in terms of Eastern music systems.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheOldTestament\">Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The first musician mentioned in the Bible is “Jubal, the first musician—the inventor of the harp and flute” (Gn 4:21, <span>nlt<\/span>). The importance of this description of a musician so early in history lies in the equality Jubal is given with his brothers Jabal, the herdsman, and Tubal-cain, the smith. Music making is recognized among the earliest professions of nomadic peoples. The name Jubal is believed to be a derivative from the Hebrew word for “ram.” The ram’s horn <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shophar<\/span><em>)<\/em> was an early instrument of the Jewish people and was significant in signaling important events.<\/p>\n<p>For the most part, the music described in early biblical history was of a functional nature. Music gained special significance as it became an important part of temple worship. Many of the descriptions of music making in ancient Israel, before David’s time, are quite utilitarian. There are accounts of music at times of farewell (Gn 31:27), at times of rejoicing and feasting (Ex 32:17-18; Is 5:12; 24:8-9), at military victories (2 Chr 20:27-28), and for work (Nm 21:17, the song of the well diggers; Is 16:10; Jer 48:33). Most of this music was probably rather crude and primitive in nature, especially the music associated with military advances, which was meant to terrify the enemy (Jgs 7:17-20). The music and dancing that greeted Moses as he descended from the mountain was described as if it sounded like “war in the camp” (Ex 32:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>In the early history of the Jewish people, women played an important part in the performance of music. The image of women dancing and singing for joy accompanied by percussion instruments is repeated several times: Miriam led the women in a hymn of thanksgiving after the deliverance from the Red Sea (Ex 15); Jephthah’s daughter welcomed her father in his victory (Jgs 11:34); Deborah joined with Barak in singing a song of victory (Jgs 5); and women hailed David after his defeat of the Philistines (1 Sm 18:6-7). There is little mention of women as musicians following the establishment of the temple in Jerusalem, but there are a few allusions to the fact that women did participate in singing and dancing. The account of the return from exile in Babylon includes both male and female singers (Neh 7:67), confirming that women still took part in musical performance.<\/p>\n<p>As Jerusalem became the religious center of the Hebrew people (950–850 <span>BC<\/span>), the role of the professional musician became more important. The women’s songs became insignificant compared to the pomp and ceremony associated with the temple and the royal court. While the Levitical singers took most of the musical responsibility at the temple, the development of antiphonal singing allowed the people to join in on responses in the singing of psalms.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Style and Use<\/h5>\n<p>The Jewish people seem to have been especially musical. Of course, they were influenced by other ancient cultures, but there is evidence that they were in demand as musicians by other peoples. According to an Assyrian document, King Hezekiah gave as tribute to King Sennacherib many male and female Jewish musicians. The Babylonians demanded that the captive Jews sing to them and entertain them (cf. Ps 137:3).<\/p>\n<p>Since the OT’s purpose was to narrate the relationship between the Jewish nation and God, most of the references to music deal with its function in worship. However, evidence reveals that there was also a large body of secular musical literature. There may have been guilds of poets and singers early in Jewish history. The kinds of songs recorded in the early part of the OT represent a folklike poetry. The song of thanksgiving to the Lord by Moses and the people of Israel after their escape at the Red Sea is a stirring national song. Many descriptions of the biblical writers reflect the spirit of bardic song. This would be logical, as these stories were meant to be passed on. Marching songs (2 Chr 20:27-28), and songs of triumph (Jgs 5) also indicate a secular body of music.<\/p>\n<h5>Music in Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The singers and musicians for the temple worship were chosen from the tribe of Levi. King David assembled the Levites for a census, and out of the total of 38,000 men over the age of 30, 4,000 were chosen as musicians. These 4,000 were subsequently given specific jobs. “David and the chiefs of the service also set apart for the service certain of the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun, who should prophesy with lyres, with harps, and with cymbals. . . . The number of them along with their brethren, who were trained in singing to the <span>Lord<\/span>, all who were skilful, was two hundred and eighty-eight” (1 Chr 25:1, 7, <span>rsv<\/span>). The singers were further divided into 24 groups of 12 singers, who rotated in participating in the weekday, Sabbath, and high holy day services.<\/p>\n<p>According to a later source, there were minimum and maximum numbers of singers and instrumentalists required at each service. The minimum number of singers was twelve, the maximum was unlimited. There had to be in attendance at least two harps but no more than six, at least two flutes but no more than twelve, a minimum of two trumpets with no maximum, and a minimum of nine lyres with no maximum. There was only one player with a pair of cymbals.<\/p>\n<p>A singer was admitted to the Levitical choir at the age of thirty following a five-year apprenticeship (1 Chr 23:3). Five years is a relatively short time considering the amount of material these singers had to memorize (for there was no notation) and the liturgical ritual they had to master; it is speculated that they actually were in training from childhood. The Levites lived in villages outside the city wall and may have been actively involved in the musical education of their children (Neh 12:29). The Levites performed other duties connected with the sacred service, but the singers were excused from all other duties because they were on duty day and night (1 Chr 9:33). Their skills were an important part of the temple worship, and they were able to devote their entire life to the development of their musical ability. A singer served in the choir for 20 years, from age 30 to 50, and the music was of a high quality due to strict discipline and continuous practice and performance.<\/p>\n<p>From the beginning of Jewish formal worship connected with the tabernacle, music and sound was important. In Exodus 28:34-35 the descriptions of Aaron’s robe include bells attached to the lower hem that sounded as he entered the Holy Place. The first liturgical music mentioned in the OT is found in 2 Samuel 6 in the descriptions of the transfer of the ark: David and the Israelites sang, played instruments, and danced to the glory of the Lord. This music bore little resemblance to the stately ceremony described later in Solomon’s temple. In 2 Chronicles 7:6, David is given recognition for inventing the musical instruments used in the temple. In the postexilic era Levitical singers are mentioned as the descendants of Asaph, the “singing master” appointed by David (Ezr 2:41; Neh 7:44; 11:22-23). From passages such as these, we have a definite indication that liturgical music and organization stemmed from David’s time.<\/p>\n<p>The ceremonies in the Jewish temple were organized around the sacrifice. Singing formed an integral part of the sacrificial service and was necessary to validate the sacrificial action. There were special musical settings for each sacrifice; thus the daily burnt, expiatory, and laudatory offerings and libations had individual liturgies. Particular psalms became associated with certain sacrifices as well as with certain days of the week. The psalm of the day was intoned as the high priest started to pour out the drink offering. The psalm was divided into three sections, each signaled by the blowing of the trumpets, on which signal the people would prostrate themselves. This is the only time the trumpets were used together with the other instruments in orchestral fashion on solemn occasions (2 Chr 5:12-13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicinthePsalms\">Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>The collection of 150 lyric poems known as the book of Psalms contains the most information on music making in ancient Israel. The Psalter contains not only religious songs but also songs that have their roots in secular or popular songs, such as work songs, love songs, and wedding songs. The majority are songs of praise, thanksgiving, prayer, and repentance. There are also historic odes that relate great national events—for example, Psalm 30, “a song at the dedication of the temple,” and Psalm 137, which portrays the sufferings of the Jews in captivity.<\/p>\n<p>The psalms were an important part of all the services of the temple; the Psalter became the liturgical hymnal of the Israelites. Worship included an appointed psalm for each day of the week. On the first day of the week, Psalm 24 was sung in remembrance of the first day of creation, Psalm 48 was sung on the second day, Psalm 82 on the third, Psalm 94 on the fourth, Psalm 81 on the fifth, Psalm 93 on the sixth, and Psalm 92 on the Sabbath. After the sacrificial offerings, Psalm 105:1-5 was sung at the morning service and Psalm 96 at the evening service. The Hallel psalms (Pss 113–118, 120–136, 146–148) were sung during the offering of the paschal lamb at the Passover feast.<\/p>\n<p>While most of the liturgical music was performed by Levites, texts of the psalms suggest that there was also congregational participation. The forms of music found both in synagogal and ecclesiastical chant had their source in the forms of the poetic text of the psalms. The simplest is the plain psalmody sung by one person (e.g., Pss 3–5, 46). In responsorial psalmody the soloist is answered by the choir (e.g., Ps 67:1-2; the soloist sang verse 1 and the choir answered with verse 2). Antiphonal psalmody involves two groups singing alternately (e.g., Ps 103:20-22). The congregation would chant a refrain such as appears in Psalm 80: “Restore us, O God; let thy face shine, that we may be saved!” recurs throughout the psalm (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Even though the synagogue had no altar for sacrifice, psalm singing retained an important place. After the Romans destroyed the temple, the worship heritage of the Jews could have been lost if the customs, including musical customs, had not become an integral part of synagogue worship.<\/p>\n<p>The most enigmatic part of the psalms is the headings that are not part of the poetic text. The first question is whether these should even be considered as superscripts. Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and other ancient languages were written in such a way that the text ran together without any break between chapters or paragraphs. This means that the verses, and even the division of the psalms themselves, were partially determined by copyists, chiefly the Masoretes. There is some question as to which psalms the extrapoetic texts actually belong with; they may actually be subscripts instead of superscripts. Sumerian and Babylonian poetry had information such as the name of the author, the musical instrument used for accompaniment, the tune, the purpose, and such listed at the end of the poem. Hence, some of the headings may actually be endings.<\/p>\n<p>The indications at the beginning of a psalm fall into three categories. They are either musical terms giving direction for the actual performance, musical cues designating the tune to which the psalm would be sung, or comments indicating the function of the psalm. These terms have been interpreted in various ways.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, these headings may have been marginal notes for the choir leaders. Realizing that these terms were not related to the psalm text proper, early biblical scribes may not have been overly careful with their placement in the text, which may explain some of the discrepancies among the early manuscripts—why certain words are left out in some and why terms assigned to only a few psalms may originally have been indicated on more of them.<\/p>\n<p>All but 50 of the psalms contain a proper name in the heading. These names possibly indicate the author; other commentators, interpreting the preposition appearing before the names to mean “for,” think the names are a dedication. Thus the title would be “A Psalm for David,” not “A Psalm of David.” This may be the case with the names of Asaph, Heman, Ethan, and especially the sons of Korah, where it would make better sense for the psalm to be written for rather than by the family. Seventy-three psalms have David’s name in the heading, hence the common reference to the Psalter as the Psalms of David. Twelve include the name of Asaph, eleven the children of Korah, two Solomon, and one each contains Moses, Heman, and Ethan.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Terms in the Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Numerous musical terms are included in the superscriptions to cue the kind of instrumental accompaniment, mood, and style of performance for the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is one of the most controversial terms found in the psalm headings. It appears at the beginning of Psalm 46 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:20. One meaning for the Hebrew word is “maiden,” and musicologists interpret this as an instruction that the psalm should be sung in the range of the female singing voice. The reference in Chronicles is to harps in the range of women’s voices. This interpretation does not seem to fit Psalm 46, but if we look at the preceding psalm and read the term as a subscript, it becomes logical. Psalm 45 is a song of love, actually a nuptial ode; it would be natural for women to sing the second half (vv 10-17). While there is little mention of women singing in the temple, there is speculation that young boys in training may have sung along with the Levitical singers. Also this may be a case where the term appears only once in the modern text but may have been used more often in the original. Another possible meaning for <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is “flutes,” perhaps describing the kind of musical accompaniment for the performance of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Gittith<\/span> is a term found in the superscriptions of Psalms 8, 81, and 84. It may be a musical cue, indicating a mood for the performance of these psalms, but a more common explanation is that it is a collective term for the stringed instruments that would have accompanied them.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> has been left in its original Hebrew form by early translators and is found in the headings of Psalms 53 and 88. It may have roots in the Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahaleh<\/span> “sickness” or <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahot<\/span> “dance,” though neither of these words can be related to the psalm texts. Another explanation is a musical one. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> may come from the word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span> meaning “to pierce,” implying that the psalm was to be accompanied with pipes.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Maskil<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Maschil”) appears in the headings of 13 psalms (Pss 32, 42, 44–45, 52–55, 74, 78, 88–89, 142). The term is probably derived from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sakal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to have insight or comprehension,” but there is no agreement among commentators. By looking at the psalms themselves, their didactic nature and the structure of stanzas and refrains, musicologists conclude the term represents a song of praise, possibly sung by a soloist with participation by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> appears in the heading of 55 psalms. It appears 52 times in the first three books of Psalms (Pss 1–89), not at all in book four (Pss 90–106), and 3 times in book five (Pss 107–150). The most common modern translations are “to the Choirmaster” (<span>rsv<\/span>), “to the choir director” (<span>nasb<\/span>, <span>nlt<\/span>), “to the director of music” (<span>niv<\/span>), “to the chief Musician” (<span>kjv<\/span>, <span>nkjv<\/span>). The word is derived from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nazzah<\/span><em>,<\/em> appearing in 1 Chronicles 23:4 and Ezra 3:8-9 in the sense of “administering.” In 1 Chronicles 15:21 the word is found in relation to leading or directing song in the temple. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> relates to the choirmaster and represents the singer chosen to lead the music who probably was involved in rehearsing and instructing. It is now assumed that <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> indicates the psalm was to be sung partially or entirely by a soloist. This is evidenced by the change in some texts from “I” where the soloist sang, to “we” where the choir or congregation sang. Psalm 5 is an example of a text divided for solo and choral singing: verses 1-3 solo; verses 4-6 choral; verses 7-8 solo; verses 9-10 choral; and verses 11-12 end the psalm with the combined soloist and choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Miktam<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Michtam”) is another term that has no clear musical meaning, due mainly to the fact that its etymology is unknown. It occurs in Psalms 16 and 56–60, all of which have a character of lamentation or supplication. In a musical sense, it probably meant that a certain well-known tune was to be selected as the melody of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mizmor<\/span> (Hebrew, meaning a song sung to instrumental accompaniment) is found nowhere else in the Bible; it is included in the superscriptions of 57 psalms. It probably indicated a song accompanied by melodic instruments as opposed to a dance song accompanied by rhythmic instruments.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span> appears in the superscriptions of Psalms 4, 6, 54–55, 61, 67, and 76. The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginah<\/span> and its plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginoth<\/span> are found in Psalm 77:7, Lamentations 5:14, Isaiah 38:20, and Habakkuk 3:19. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span><em>,<\/em> from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">naggen<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to touch the strings,” instructs that stringed instruments accompany the singing.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Nehiloth<\/span> is found only in the introduction to Psalm 5 (<span>kjv<\/span>). The origin of the word is problematic. It could come from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nahal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to possess or inherit,” or more feasibly from <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span><em>,<\/em> meaning “to pierce.” The latter implies the idea of a pierced instrument (the flute or pipe) to be used for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Sheminith<\/span> appears in Psalms 6 and 12 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:21. The Hebrew word means literally “over the eighth.” Some scholars feel it had something to do with an octave, but the Hebrew musical language probably did not include a musical unit divided into eight parts. Other scholars interpret <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> as meaning an eight-stringed instrument. A more logical interpretation comes from examining its use in 1 Chronicles. In 15:20 the instructions are for musicians to play the harps according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and in verse 21 to play the lyres according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span><em>.<\/em> Here the terms <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> seem to be used in opposition. If <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> implies a register of the female voice, then <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> would imply a lower register. Thus, it may have been an instruction to use a lower pitched instrument for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<h5>Psalm Varieties in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Some of the notes in the psalm headings are indications of the type or variety of psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Hazkir<\/span> is found in the headings of Psalms 38 and 70. According to the Targum, this is an indication that the psalm was sung at the sacrificial rite called <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">askara<\/span> and is translated “for a memorial offering.”<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Lammed<\/span> appears in the superscription of Psalm 60 in the phrase <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">le-lammed<\/span><em>,<\/em> translated “to teach.” According to tradition, this was a psalm, though undoubtedly not the only one, taught to young people as part of their education. This is another example of a term that may have been omitted from other psalms in later versions of the Psalter.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shiggaion<\/span> is in the heading of Psalm 7 and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably comes from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to wander,” but may also be connected with the Assyrian liturgical term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigu<\/span><em>,<\/em> which represented a plaintive song in several stanzas. Biblical scholars have assumed <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shiggaion<\/span><em>,<\/em> plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigionoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> was a lament or penitential song.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir<\/span> is the simplest word for “song” and was probably used in the headings at an early stage of the Psalter; it is usually found with <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mizmor<\/span> (13 times). Fifteen psalms have this heading. It was probably the term for a specific type of praise song, usually performed by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hamaalot<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Lamaalot<\/span> occur in the headings of Psalms 120–134, which are often referred to as the Psalms of Ascent (<span>kjv<\/span> “Psalms of Degrees”). Most explanations offered relate to the fact that the temple was situated on high ground. Often these 15 psalms are associated with the 15 steps leading from the Court of the Women to the Court of the Israelites. But most contemporary scholars believe the idea of “going up” referred to the pilgrims’ journey to Jerusalem to worship at the temple. These psalms are short, with popular appeal, making them appropriate for singing during the journey.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hanukkat Habayit<\/span> is found only in the heading of Psalm 30. This phrase tells that the psalm was to be used for the dedication or rededication of the house of God.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir-yedidot<\/span> appears only in Psalm 45. It refers to a love song that was probably sung at wedding ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Tefillah<\/span> is a common term for “prayer” and appears in the headings of Psalms 17, 86, 90, 102, and 142, and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably refers to a specific form of poetic prayer.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span> is one of the most frequently used, but most enigmatic, terms found in the book of Psalms. It occurs in 39 psalms, appearing a total of 71 times in the Psalter—67 times within the text and 4 times at the end of a psalm. It is most frequent in the first three books. In the first book <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> appears in 9 psalms; in the second book, 17 psalms; in the third book, 11 psalms. In the fourth book it is not found at all and in the fifth book in only two psalms. Thirty-one of these psalms also include the term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> in their superscriptions, which implies that they were sung by a soloist and choir. Most commonly, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is interpreted as a signal for a break in the singing and possibly for an instrumental interlude. It never appears at the beginning of a psalm but only in the middle of the text or at the end. The regularity of its appearance within a psalm is not consistent, and in only a few instances do these divisions break the psalm into equal sections. Because of the random placement of the term, some scholars believe that, like the headings, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> was not always carefully copied into the text. It may have been a note appearing only in the texts of the musicians, which would explain this inconsistency. An explanation of <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is found in the Talmudic tradition: “Ben Azra clashed the cymbal and the Levites broke forth into singing. When they reached a break in the singing they blew upon the trumpets and the people prostrated themselves; at every break there was a blowing of the trumpet and at every blowing of the trumpet a prostration. This was the rite of the daily whole offering in the service of the House of our God.” <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span><em>,<\/em> then, would be an instruction for the musicians that the singing was to cease and the instrumentalists were to play.<\/p>\n<p>The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaion selah<\/span> appears once, in Psalm 9:16. The word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaiaon<\/span> comes from the root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">hagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to murmur, to growl, to produce a low sound.” This may have been an instruction for the interlude to be more subdued than a normal <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span><em>.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Ancient Melodies in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Many psalms contain headings that are not direct musical references but are cue words to suggest well-known tunes. They probably refer either to names or the first words of popular secular songs <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span><em>)<\/em> whose melodic patterns were used in singing the psalm. Many biblical scholars have tried to find hidden meaning in these headings, but most musicologists believe these are simply references or introductions to melodies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Aijeleth Shahar<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 22 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Hind of the Dawn” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune of ‘The Doe of the Morning’ ” (<span>niv<\/span>), “To the tune ‘Doe of the Dawn’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Al-taschith<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 57–59 and 75 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Do Not Destroy!’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Jonath-elem-rechokim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 56 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Dove on Far-off Terebinths” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune ‘Dove on Distant Oaks’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath Leannoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 88, is translated “To the tune ‘The Suffering of Affliction’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Muthlabben<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 9, is translated “To the tune ‘Death of the Son’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 45 and 69 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim-Eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 80 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies of the Covenant’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shushan-eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 60, is translated “To the tune ‘Lily of the Testimony’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>These melody types appear only in the first three books of the Psalter, and this may imply that these popular <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span> had fallen into disuse by the time the final books of the Psalter were written. Other <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makam<\/span>-types had probably become popular, and the authors, realizing the relatively short life of a popular tune, did not include them in the headings of the Psalms but left the choice up to the performer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheNewTestament\">Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>First-Century Influences<\/h5>\n<h6>The Synagogue<\/h6>\n<p>By the time of Christ, the synagogue had become the chief place of worship for the Jewish people. It began as a place for study of the law but gradually became the center of worship for Jews unable to attend the temple. The liturgical service of the temple could not be duplicated in the synagogue as there was no sacrificial rite, and the music could not be exactly reproduced as there were no trained Levitical singers. Scholars do not agree about the amount of continuity between the music of the temple and the music of the synagogue, but there is evidence that certain musical practices did remain constant between the two places of worship.<\/p>\n<p>Information on the customs and rituals of the synagogue come from Talmudic writings. The musical elements of worship in the synagogue were the chanting of Scripture, psalmody, and spiritual songs. The choral singing of the temple was replaced by a single cantor. The cantor was a layman who, according to tradition, had to have the following qualifications: “He had to be well educated, gifted with a sweet voice, of humble personality, recognized by the community, conversant with Scripture and all the prayers; he must not be a rich man, for his prayers should come from his heart.” His most important job was the cantillation of the Law and the Prophets. A series of accents and punctuations, forerunners of actual musical notation, were indications for the cantor in the musical interpretation of the Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Psalm singing was gradually transplanted from the temple to the synagogue, which in turn influenced the early Christian church. Gregorian psalm tones have their roots in Hebrew psalmody.<\/p>\n<h6>Greek and Roman Cultures<\/h6>\n<p>While both the temple and the synagogue were familiar to the early Christians (Acts 2:46-47; 3:1; 5:42; 9:20; 18:4; etc.), the Greek and Roman cultures also played a major part in shaping the young church. Hellenistic influences by the time of Christ had long been felt in the Middle East, and while it was strongly opposed by some Jewish leaders, the Greek arts had permeated Jewish culture. Greek philosophers considered music a cathartic force that could lead humans into metaphysical knowledge. This understanding led to the belief that music had a moral substance that could influence people to either good or evil. If this philosophy had totally encompassed Judeo-Christian thought, certainly Paul would have encouraged the use of music in the spread of the gospel. However, Paul’s omission of this theory implies that the Judeo-Christian world at that time had rejected the Greek ideal, at least in part.<\/p>\n<p>While the Jewish rabbis considered music an art form for the praise of God, and while the Greek philosophers thought of it as a powerful moral force in creation, the Romans considered music mainly as entertainment. The music of the Roman games was neither religious nor philosophic and, from the accounts of witnesses, it was not technically exceptional. In the Roman Empire musicians were given a lower status and looked on as mere entertainers. One reason the early church did not include instrumental music in their worship was in reaction to the debased secular use of instruments by the Romans.<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament Writings<\/h5>\n<p>One of the few mentions of instruments in the NT is the use of flutes at a wake (Mt 9:23). As in the OT, music is associated with feasting and merrymaking (e.g., the return of the prodigal son, Lk 15:25). Five passages mention music metaphorically (Mt 6:2; 11:17; Lk 7:32; 1 Cor 13:1; 14:7-8). The most well known of these is Paul’s celebration of love in 1 Corinthians 13. The denunciation of the gong and cymbals must be understood in light of the attitude of the early Christians toward the music of the Pharisees. Here the signal instruments of the temple were used to represent pompous display of religious pietism.<\/p>\n\n<p>Most references to music are found in the eschatological visions and prophetic passages scattered throughout the NT—most frequently in the book of Revelation (also Mt 24:31; 1 Cor 15:52; 1 Thes 4:16; Heb 12:19). Many of these descriptions have a direct association with musical references in the OT (e.g., the use of harps and trumpets and the singing of the Hallelujah). But the value of many of the passages in Revelation comes from their literary style. These doxological and psalmlike passages were probably spontaneous “spiritual songs” composed by the young church (e.g., Rv 5:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The passages that mention religious or liturgical music are often more conceptual than literal. Two parallel passages describing the Last Supper (Mt 26:30; Mk 14:26) mention that Christ and his disciples sang a hymn. This is the only direct account of Jesus singing, but it is probable that when he read in the synagogue he did so in the accepted vocal style (Lk 4:16-20). There is much controversy surrounding the actual events at the Last Supper, but we can assume that the hymn sung was a traditional Jewish hymn, probably associated with the Passover.<\/p>\n<p>From the account in Acts 16:25 we know that Paul and Silas sang hymns while in jail. Paul gives instruction for music making in 1 Corinthians 14:15, 26 in terms of a balance between rationalism and emotion. And, as with all the gifts of the Spirit, Paul asks that singing be done for edification.<\/p>\n<p>In two similar passages (Eph 5:19; Col 3:16) Paul groups together three musical terms—psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs. The singing of psalms was an obvious carryover from the synagogue, and we can assume that the early Christian psalm singing followed the Jewish style. The term for “hymns” probably refers to poetic texts, possibly modeled after the psalms, but in praise of Christ. “Spiritual songs” may refer to a spontaneous, ecstatic form of musical prayer, possibly wordless (perhaps related to glossolalia), in a style that was popular in mystical Judaism. These outbursts of song were probably melismatic (sung on one tone) and are perhaps the forerunners of the later Alleluia chant.<\/p>\n<h5>Hymnody in the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>It can be assumed that the early Christians composed hymns in praise of Christ. Logically, most of the hymns found in the NT are based on Hebrew poetic psalm forms, but there is Greek and Latin influence also. The hymns from the Gospel of Luke have become well-known canticles adopted by the church: the Magnificat (Lk 1:46-55), the Benedictus (1:68-79), the Gloria (2:14) and the Nunc Dimittis (2:29-32). While patterned after the psalms of the OT, these hymns are full of confidence in the salvation of Christ and in his imminent return. Other Christological hymns found in the NT include the prologue to the Gospel of John, Ephesians 2:14-16, Philippians 2:6-11, Colossians 1:15-20, 1 Timothy 3:16, Hebrews 1:3, and 1 Peter 3:18-22.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MUSIC<\/h3>\n<p>A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship.<\/p>\n<p>The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human impulse to sing. The injunction “sing to the Lord” was a signal for the people to pour out their praise in song.<\/p>\n<p>The Bible, however, is limited in its treatment of music in ancient Israel. Since there was no written musical notation, the primary record of songs sung by the Hebrews is the collection of texts, particularly the psalms, and a few enigmatic musical instructions. The biblical writers were writing a history not of their culture but of their relationship with God; hence, their comments about music are not critical. Also, the biblical documents cover a long span of history and are grouped according to category rather than in chronological order, thus making it difficult to order the development of musical style with precision. Finally, there is the problem of understanding the biblical descriptions of music and its performance. Only in this century have scholars been able to interpret the information provided in the Bible in terms of Eastern music systems.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheOldTestament\">Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The first musician mentioned in the Bible is “Jubal, the first musician—the inventor of the harp and flute” (Gn 4:21, <span>nlt<\/span>). The importance of this description of a musician so early in history lies in the equality Jubal is given with his brothers Jabal, the herdsman, and Tubal-cain, the smith. Music making is recognized among the earliest professions of nomadic peoples. The name Jubal is believed to be a derivative from the Hebrew word for “ram.” The ram’s horn <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shophar<\/span><em>)<\/em> was an early instrument of the Jewish people and was significant in signaling important events.<\/p>\n<p>For the most part, the music described in early biblical history was of a functional nature. Music gained special significance as it became an important part of temple worship. Many of the descriptions of music making in ancient Israel, before David’s time, are quite utilitarian. There are accounts of music at times of farewell (Gn 31:27), at times of rejoicing and feasting (Ex 32:17-18; Is 5:12; 24:8-9), at military victories (2 Chr 20:27-28), and for work (Nm 21:17, the song of the well diggers; Is 16:10; Jer 48:33). Most of this music was probably rather crude and primitive in nature, especially the music associated with military advances, which was meant to terrify the enemy (Jgs 7:17-20). The music and dancing that greeted Moses as he descended from the mountain was described as if it sounded like “war in the camp” (Ex 32:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>In the early history of the Jewish people, women played an important part in the performance of music. The image of women dancing and singing for joy accompanied by percussion instruments is repeated several times: Miriam led the women in a hymn of thanksgiving after the deliverance from the Red Sea (Ex 15); Jephthah’s daughter welcomed her father in his victory (Jgs 11:34); Deborah joined with Barak in singing a song of victory (Jgs 5); and women hailed David after his defeat of the Philistines (1 Sm 18:6-7). There is little mention of women as musicians following the establishment of the temple in Jerusalem, but there are a few allusions to the fact that women did participate in singing and dancing. The account of the return from exile in Babylon includes both male and female singers (Neh 7:67), confirming that women still took part in musical performance.<\/p>\n<p>As Jerusalem became the religious center of the Hebrew people (950–850 <span>BC<\/span>), the role of the professional musician became more important. The women’s songs became insignificant compared to the pomp and ceremony associated with the temple and the royal court. While the Levitical singers took most of the musical responsibility at the temple, the development of antiphonal singing allowed the people to join in on responses in the singing of psalms.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Style and Use<\/h5>\n<p>The Jewish people seem to have been especially musical. Of course, they were influenced by other ancient cultures, but there is evidence that they were in demand as musicians by other peoples. According to an Assyrian document, King Hezekiah gave as tribute to King Sennacherib many male and female Jewish musicians. The Babylonians demanded that the captive Jews sing to them and entertain them (cf. Ps 137:3).<\/p>\n<p>Since the OT’s purpose was to narrate the relationship between the Jewish nation and God, most of the references to music deal with its function in worship. However, evidence reveals that there was also a large body of secular musical literature. There may have been guilds of poets and singers early in Jewish history. The kinds of songs recorded in the early part of the OT represent a folklike poetry. The song of thanksgiving to the Lord by Moses and the people of Israel after their escape at the Red Sea is a stirring national song. Many descriptions of the biblical writers reflect the spirit of bardic song. This would be logical, as these stories were meant to be passed on. Marching songs (2 Chr 20:27-28), and songs of triumph (Jgs 5) also indicate a secular body of music.<\/p>\n<h5>Music in Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The singers and musicians for the temple worship were chosen from the tribe of Levi. King David assembled the Levites for a census, and out of the total of 38,000 men over the age of 30, 4,000 were chosen as musicians. These 4,000 were subsequently given specific jobs. “David and the chiefs of the service also set apart for the service certain of the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun, who should prophesy with lyres, with harps, and with cymbals. . . . The number of them along with their brethren, who were trained in singing to the <span>Lord<\/span>, all who were skilful, was two hundred and eighty-eight” (1 Chr 25:1, 7, <span>rsv<\/span>). The singers were further divided into 24 groups of 12 singers, who rotated in participating in the weekday, Sabbath, and high holy day services.<\/p>\n<p>According to a later source, there were minimum and maximum numbers of singers and instrumentalists required at each service. The minimum number of singers was twelve, the maximum was unlimited. There had to be in attendance at least two harps but no more than six, at least two flutes but no more than twelve, a minimum of two trumpets with no maximum, and a minimum of nine lyres with no maximum. There was only one player with a pair of cymbals.<\/p>\n<p>A singer was admitted to the Levitical choir at the age of thirty following a five-year apprenticeship (1 Chr 23:3). Five years is a relatively short time considering the amount of material these singers had to memorize (for there was no notation) and the liturgical ritual they had to master; it is speculated that they actually were in training from childhood. The Levites lived in villages outside the city wall and may have been actively involved in the musical education of their children (Neh 12:29). The Levites performed other duties connected with the sacred service, but the singers were excused from all other duties because they were on duty day and night (1 Chr 9:33). Their skills were an important part of the temple worship, and they were able to devote their entire life to the development of their musical ability. A singer served in the choir for 20 years, from age 30 to 50, and the music was of a high quality due to strict discipline and continuous practice and performance.<\/p>\n<p>From the beginning of Jewish formal worship connected with the tabernacle, music and sound was important. In Exodus 28:34-35 the descriptions of Aaron’s robe include bells attached to the lower hem that sounded as he entered the Holy Place. The first liturgical music mentioned in the OT is found in 2 Samuel 6 in the descriptions of the transfer of the ark: David and the Israelites sang, played instruments, and danced to the glory of the Lord. This music bore little resemblance to the stately ceremony described later in Solomon’s temple. In 2 Chronicles 7:6, David is given recognition for inventing the musical instruments used in the temple. In the postexilic era Levitical singers are mentioned as the descendants of Asaph, the “singing master” appointed by David (Ezr 2:41; Neh 7:44; 11:22-23). From passages such as these, we have a definite indication that liturgical music and organization stemmed from David’s time.<\/p>\n<p>The ceremonies in the Jewish temple were organized around the sacrifice. Singing formed an integral part of the sacrificial service and was necessary to validate the sacrificial action. There were special musical settings for each sacrifice; thus the daily burnt, expiatory, and laudatory offerings and libations had individual liturgies. Particular psalms became associated with certain sacrifices as well as with certain days of the week. The psalm of the day was intoned as the high priest started to pour out the drink offering. The psalm was divided into three sections, each signaled by the blowing of the trumpets, on which signal the people would prostrate themselves. This is the only time the trumpets were used together with the other instruments in orchestral fashion on solemn occasions (2 Chr 5:12-13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicinthePsalms\">Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>The collection of 150 lyric poems known as the book of Psalms contains the most information on music making in ancient Israel. The Psalter contains not only religious songs but also songs that have their roots in secular or popular songs, such as work songs, love songs, and wedding songs. The majority are songs of praise, thanksgiving, prayer, and repentance. There are also historic odes that relate great national events—for example, Psalm 30, “a song at the dedication of the temple,” and Psalm 137, which portrays the sufferings of the Jews in captivity.<\/p>\n<p>The psalms were an important part of all the services of the temple; the Psalter became the liturgical hymnal of the Israelites. Worship included an appointed psalm for each day of the week. On the first day of the week, Psalm 24 was sung in remembrance of the first day of creation, Psalm 48 was sung on the second day, Psalm 82 on the third, Psalm 94 on the fourth, Psalm 81 on the fifth, Psalm 93 on the sixth, and Psalm 92 on the Sabbath. After the sacrificial offerings, Psalm 105:1-5 was sung at the morning service and Psalm 96 at the evening service. The Hallel psalms (Pss 113–118, 120–136, 146–148) were sung during the offering of the paschal lamb at the Passover feast.<\/p>\n<p>While most of the liturgical music was performed by Levites, texts of the psalms suggest that there was also congregational participation. The forms of music found both in synagogal and ecclesiastical chant had their source in the forms of the poetic text of the psalms. The simplest is the plain psalmody sung by one person (e.g., Pss 3–5, 46). In responsorial psalmody the soloist is answered by the choir (e.g., Ps 67:1-2; the soloist sang verse 1 and the choir answered with verse 2). Antiphonal psalmody involves two groups singing alternately (e.g., Ps 103:20-22). The congregation would chant a refrain such as appears in Psalm 80: “Restore us, O God; let thy face shine, that we may be saved!” recurs throughout the psalm (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Even though the synagogue had no altar for sacrifice, psalm singing retained an important place. After the Romans destroyed the temple, the worship heritage of the Jews could have been lost if the customs, including musical customs, had not become an integral part of synagogue worship.<\/p>\n<p>The most enigmatic part of the psalms is the headings that are not part of the poetic text. The first question is whether these should even be considered as superscripts. Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and other ancient languages were written in such a way that the text ran together without any break between chapters or paragraphs. This means that the verses, and even the division of the psalms themselves, were partially determined by copyists, chiefly the Masoretes. There is some question as to which psalms the extrapoetic texts actually belong with; they may actually be subscripts instead of superscripts. Sumerian and Babylonian poetry had information such as the name of the author, the musical instrument used for accompaniment, the tune, the purpose, and such listed at the end of the poem. Hence, some of the headings may actually be endings.<\/p>\n<p>The indications at the beginning of a psalm fall into three categories. They are either musical terms giving direction for the actual performance, musical cues designating the tune to which the psalm would be sung, or comments indicating the function of the psalm. These terms have been interpreted in various ways.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, these headings may have been marginal notes for the choir leaders. Realizing that these terms were not related to the psalm text proper, early biblical scribes may not have been overly careful with their placement in the text, which may explain some of the discrepancies among the early manuscripts—why certain words are left out in some and why terms assigned to only a few psalms may originally have been indicated on more of them.<\/p>\n<p>All but 50 of the psalms contain a proper name in the heading. These names possibly indicate the author; other commentators, interpreting the preposition appearing before the names to mean “for,” think the names are a dedication. Thus the title would be “A Psalm for David,” not “A Psalm of David.” This may be the case with the names of Asaph, Heman, Ethan, and especially the sons of Korah, where it would make better sense for the psalm to be written for rather than by the family. Seventy-three psalms have David’s name in the heading, hence the common reference to the Psalter as the Psalms of David. Twelve include the name of Asaph, eleven the children of Korah, two Solomon, and one each contains Moses, Heman, and Ethan.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Terms in the Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Numerous musical terms are included in the superscriptions to cue the kind of instrumental accompaniment, mood, and style of performance for the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is one of the most controversial terms found in the psalm headings. It appears at the beginning of Psalm 46 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:20. One meaning for the Hebrew word is “maiden,” and musicologists interpret this as an instruction that the psalm should be sung in the range of the female singing voice. The reference in Chronicles is to harps in the range of women’s voices. This interpretation does not seem to fit Psalm 46, but if we look at the preceding psalm and read the term as a subscript, it becomes logical. Psalm 45 is a song of love, actually a nuptial ode; it would be natural for women to sing the second half (vv 10-17). While there is little mention of women singing in the temple, there is speculation that young boys in training may have sung along with the Levitical singers. Also this may be a case where the term appears only once in the modern text but may have been used more often in the original. Another possible meaning for <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is “flutes,” perhaps describing the kind of musical accompaniment for the performance of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Gittith<\/span> is a term found in the superscriptions of Psalms 8, 81, and 84. It may be a musical cue, indicating a mood for the performance of these psalms, but a more common explanation is that it is a collective term for the stringed instruments that would have accompanied them.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> has been left in its original Hebrew form by early translators and is found in the headings of Psalms 53 and 88. It may have roots in the Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahaleh<\/span> “sickness” or <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahot<\/span> “dance,” though neither of these words can be related to the psalm texts. Another explanation is a musical one. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> may come from the word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span> meaning “to pierce,” implying that the psalm was to be accompanied with pipes.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Maskil<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Maschil”) appears in the headings of 13 psalms (Pss 32, 42, 44–45, 52–55, 74, 78, 88–89, 142). The term is probably derived from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sakal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to have insight or comprehension,” but there is no agreement among commentators. By looking at the psalms themselves, their didactic nature and the structure of stanzas and refrains, musicologists conclude the term represents a song of praise, possibly sung by a soloist with participation by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> appears in the heading of 55 psalms. It appears 52 times in the first three books of Psalms (Pss 1–89), not at all in book four (Pss 90–106), and 3 times in book five (Pss 107–150). The most common modern translations are “to the Choirmaster” (<span>rsv<\/span>), “to the choir director” (<span>nasb<\/span>, <span>nlt<\/span>), “to the director of music” (<span>niv<\/span>), “to the chief Musician” (<span>kjv<\/span>, <span>nkjv<\/span>). The word is derived from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nazzah<\/span><em>,<\/em> appearing in 1 Chronicles 23:4 and Ezra 3:8-9 in the sense of “administering.” In 1 Chronicles 15:21 the word is found in relation to leading or directing song in the temple. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> relates to the choirmaster and represents the singer chosen to lead the music who probably was involved in rehearsing and instructing. It is now assumed that <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> indicates the psalm was to be sung partially or entirely by a soloist. This is evidenced by the change in some texts from “I” where the soloist sang, to “we” where the choir or congregation sang. Psalm 5 is an example of a text divided for solo and choral singing: verses 1-3 solo; verses 4-6 choral; verses 7-8 solo; verses 9-10 choral; and verses 11-12 end the psalm with the combined soloist and choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Miktam<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Michtam”) is another term that has no clear musical meaning, due mainly to the fact that its etymology is unknown. It occurs in Psalms 16 and 56–60, all of which have a character of lamentation or supplication. In a musical sense, it probably meant that a certain well-known tune was to be selected as the melody of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mizmor<\/span> (Hebrew, meaning a song sung to instrumental accompaniment) is found nowhere else in the Bible; it is included in the superscriptions of 57 psalms. It probably indicated a song accompanied by melodic instruments as opposed to a dance song accompanied by rhythmic instruments.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span> appears in the superscriptions of Psalms 4, 6, 54–55, 61, 67, and 76. The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginah<\/span> and its plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginoth<\/span> are found in Psalm 77:7, Lamentations 5:14, Isaiah 38:20, and Habakkuk 3:19. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span><em>,<\/em> from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">naggen<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to touch the strings,” instructs that stringed instruments accompany the singing.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Nehiloth<\/span> is found only in the introduction to Psalm 5 (<span>kjv<\/span>). The origin of the word is problematic. It could come from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nahal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to possess or inherit,” or more feasibly from <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span><em>,<\/em> meaning “to pierce.” The latter implies the idea of a pierced instrument (the flute or pipe) to be used for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Sheminith<\/span> appears in Psalms 6 and 12 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:21. The Hebrew word means literally “over the eighth.” Some scholars feel it had something to do with an octave, but the Hebrew musical language probably did not include a musical unit divided into eight parts. Other scholars interpret <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> as meaning an eight-stringed instrument. A more logical interpretation comes from examining its use in 1 Chronicles. In 15:20 the instructions are for musicians to play the harps according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and in verse 21 to play the lyres according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span><em>.<\/em> Here the terms <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> seem to be used in opposition. If <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> implies a register of the female voice, then <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> would imply a lower register. Thus, it may have been an instruction to use a lower pitched instrument for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<h5>Psalm Varieties in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Some of the notes in the psalm headings are indications of the type or variety of psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Hazkir<\/span> is found in the headings of Psalms 38 and 70. According to the Targum, this is an indication that the psalm was sung at the sacrificial rite called <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">askara<\/span> and is translated “for a memorial offering.”<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Lammed<\/span> appears in the superscription of Psalm 60 in the phrase <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">le-lammed<\/span><em>,<\/em> translated “to teach.” According to tradition, this was a psalm, though undoubtedly not the only one, taught to young people as part of their education. This is another example of a term that may have been omitted from other psalms in later versions of the Psalter.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shiggaion<\/span> is in the heading of Psalm 7 and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably comes from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to wander,” but may also be connected with the Assyrian liturgical term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigu<\/span><em>,<\/em> which represented a plaintive song in several stanzas. Biblical scholars have assumed <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shiggaion<\/span><em>,<\/em> plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigionoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> was a lament or penitential song.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir<\/span> is the simplest word for “song” and was probably used in the headings at an early stage of the Psalter; it is usually found with <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mizmor<\/span> (13 times). Fifteen psalms have this heading. It was probably the term for a specific type of praise song, usually performed by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hamaalot<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Lamaalot<\/span> occur in the headings of Psalms 120–134, which are often referred to as the Psalms of Ascent (<span>kjv<\/span> “Psalms of Degrees”). Most explanations offered relate to the fact that the temple was situated on high ground. Often these 15 psalms are associated with the 15 steps leading from the Court of the Women to the Court of the Israelites. But most contemporary scholars believe the idea of “going up” referred to the pilgrims’ journey to Jerusalem to worship at the temple. These psalms are short, with popular appeal, making them appropriate for singing during the journey.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hanukkat Habayit<\/span> is found only in the heading of Psalm 30. This phrase tells that the psalm was to be used for the dedication or rededication of the house of God.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir-yedidot<\/span> appears only in Psalm 45. It refers to a love song that was probably sung at wedding ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Tefillah<\/span> is a common term for “prayer” and appears in the headings of Psalms 17, 86, 90, 102, and 142, and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably refers to a specific form of poetic prayer.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span> is one of the most frequently used, but most enigmatic, terms found in the book of Psalms. It occurs in 39 psalms, appearing a total of 71 times in the Psalter—67 times within the text and 4 times at the end of a psalm. It is most frequent in the first three books. In the first book <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> appears in 9 psalms; in the second book, 17 psalms; in the third book, 11 psalms. In the fourth book it is not found at all and in the fifth book in only two psalms. Thirty-one of these psalms also include the term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> in their superscriptions, which implies that they were sung by a soloist and choir. Most commonly, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is interpreted as a signal for a break in the singing and possibly for an instrumental interlude. It never appears at the beginning of a psalm but only in the middle of the text or at the end. The regularity of its appearance within a psalm is not consistent, and in only a few instances do these divisions break the psalm into equal sections. Because of the random placement of the term, some scholars believe that, like the headings, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> was not always carefully copied into the text. It may have been a note appearing only in the texts of the musicians, which would explain this inconsistency. An explanation of <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is found in the Talmudic tradition: “Ben Azra clashed the cymbal and the Levites broke forth into singing. When they reached a break in the singing they blew upon the trumpets and the people prostrated themselves; at every break there was a blowing of the trumpet and at every blowing of the trumpet a prostration. This was the rite of the daily whole offering in the service of the House of our God.” <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span><em>,<\/em> then, would be an instruction for the musicians that the singing was to cease and the instrumentalists were to play.<\/p>\n<p>The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaion selah<\/span> appears once, in Psalm 9:16. The word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaiaon<\/span> comes from the root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">hagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to murmur, to growl, to produce a low sound.” This may have been an instruction for the interlude to be more subdued than a normal <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span><em>.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Ancient Melodies in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Many psalms contain headings that are not direct musical references but are cue words to suggest well-known tunes. They probably refer either to names or the first words of popular secular songs <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span><em>)<\/em> whose melodic patterns were used in singing the psalm. Many biblical scholars have tried to find hidden meaning in these headings, but most musicologists believe these are simply references or introductions to melodies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Aijeleth Shahar<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 22 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Hind of the Dawn” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune of ‘The Doe of the Morning’ ” (<span>niv<\/span>), “To the tune ‘Doe of the Dawn’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Al-taschith<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 57–59 and 75 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Do Not Destroy!’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Jonath-elem-rechokim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 56 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Dove on Far-off Terebinths” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune ‘Dove on Distant Oaks’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath Leannoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 88, is translated “To the tune ‘The Suffering of Affliction’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Muthlabben<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 9, is translated “To the tune ‘Death of the Son’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 45 and 69 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim-Eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 80 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies of the Covenant’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shushan-eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 60, is translated “To the tune ‘Lily of the Testimony’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>These melody types appear only in the first three books of the Psalter, and this may imply that these popular <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span> had fallen into disuse by the time the final books of the Psalter were written. Other <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makam<\/span>-types had probably become popular, and the authors, realizing the relatively short life of a popular tune, did not include them in the headings of the Psalms but left the choice up to the performer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheNewTestament\">Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>First-Century Influences<\/h5>\n<h6>The Synagogue<\/h6>\n<p>By the time of Christ, the synagogue had become the chief place of worship for the Jewish people. It began as a place for study of the law but gradually became the center of worship for Jews unable to attend the temple. The liturgical service of the temple could not be duplicated in the synagogue as there was no sacrificial rite, and the music could not be exactly reproduced as there were no trained Levitical singers. Scholars do not agree about the amount of continuity between the music of the temple and the music of the synagogue, but there is evidence that certain musical practices did remain constant between the two places of worship.<\/p>\n<p>Information on the customs and rituals of the synagogue come from Talmudic writings. The musical elements of worship in the synagogue were the chanting of Scripture, psalmody, and spiritual songs. The choral singing of the temple was replaced by a single cantor. The cantor was a layman who, according to tradition, had to have the following qualifications: “He had to be well educated, gifted with a sweet voice, of humble personality, recognized by the community, conversant with Scripture and all the prayers; he must not be a rich man, for his prayers should come from his heart.” His most important job was the cantillation of the Law and the Prophets. A series of accents and punctuations, forerunners of actual musical notation, were indications for the cantor in the musical interpretation of the Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Psalm singing was gradually transplanted from the temple to the synagogue, which in turn influenced the early Christian church. Gregorian psalm tones have their roots in Hebrew psalmody.<\/p>\n<h6>Greek and Roman Cultures<\/h6>\n<p>While both the temple and the synagogue were familiar to the early Christians (Acts 2:46-47; 3:1; 5:42; 9:20; 18:4; etc.), the Greek and Roman cultures also played a major part in shaping the young church. Hellenistic influences by the time of Christ had long been felt in the Middle East, and while it was strongly opposed by some Jewish leaders, the Greek arts had permeated Jewish culture. Greek philosophers considered music a cathartic force that could lead humans into metaphysical knowledge. This understanding led to the belief that music had a moral substance that could influence people to either good or evil. If this philosophy had totally encompassed Judeo-Christian thought, certainly Paul would have encouraged the use of music in the spread of the gospel. However, Paul’s omission of this theory implies that the Judeo-Christian world at that time had rejected the Greek ideal, at least in part.<\/p>\n<p>While the Jewish rabbis considered music an art form for the praise of God, and while the Greek philosophers thought of it as a powerful moral force in creation, the Romans considered music mainly as entertainment. The music of the Roman games was neither religious nor philosophic and, from the accounts of witnesses, it was not technically exceptional. In the Roman Empire musicians were given a lower status and looked on as mere entertainers. One reason the early church did not include instrumental music in their worship was in reaction to the debased secular use of instruments by the Romans.<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament Writings<\/h5>\n<p>One of the few mentions of instruments in the NT is the use of flutes at a wake (Mt 9:23). As in the OT, music is associated with feasting and merrymaking (e.g., the return of the prodigal son, Lk 15:25). Five passages mention music metaphorically (Mt 6:2; 11:17; Lk 7:32; 1 Cor 13:1; 14:7-8). The most well known of these is Paul’s celebration of love in 1 Corinthians 13. The denunciation of the gong and cymbals must be understood in light of the attitude of the early Christians toward the music of the Pharisees. Here the signal instruments of the temple were used to represent pompous display of religious pietism.<\/p>\n\n<p>Most references to music are found in the eschatological visions and prophetic passages scattered throughout the NT—most frequently in the book of Revelation (also Mt 24:31; 1 Cor 15:52; 1 Thes 4:16; Heb 12:19). Many of these descriptions have a direct association with musical references in the OT (e.g., the use of harps and trumpets and the singing of the Hallelujah). But the value of many of the passages in Revelation comes from their literary style. These doxological and psalmlike passages were probably spontaneous “spiritual songs” composed by the young church (e.g., Rv 5:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The passages that mention religious or liturgical music are often more conceptual than literal. Two parallel passages describing the Last Supper (Mt 26:30; Mk 14:26) mention that Christ and his disciples sang a hymn. This is the only direct account of Jesus singing, but it is probable that when he read in the synagogue he did so in the accepted vocal style (Lk 4:16-20). There is much controversy surrounding the actual events at the Last Supper, but we can assume that the hymn sung was a traditional Jewish hymn, probably associated with the Passover.<\/p>\n<p>From the account in Acts 16:25 we know that Paul and Silas sang hymns while in jail. Paul gives instruction for music making in 1 Corinthians 14:15, 26 in terms of a balance between rationalism and emotion. And, as with all the gifts of the Spirit, Paul asks that singing be done for edification.<\/p>\n<p>In two similar passages (Eph 5:19; Col 3:16) Paul groups together three musical terms—psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs. The singing of psalms was an obvious carryover from the synagogue, and we can assume that the early Christian psalm singing followed the Jewish style. The term for “hymns” probably refers to poetic texts, possibly modeled after the psalms, but in praise of Christ. “Spiritual songs” may refer to a spontaneous, ecstatic form of musical prayer, possibly wordless (perhaps related to glossolalia), in a style that was popular in mystical Judaism. These outbursts of song were probably melismatic (sung on one tone) and are perhaps the forerunners of the later Alleluia chant.<\/p>\n<h5>Hymnody in the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>It can be assumed that the early Christians composed hymns in praise of Christ. Logically, most of the hymns found in the NT are based on Hebrew poetic psalm forms, but there is Greek and Latin influence also. The hymns from the Gospel of Luke have become well-known canticles adopted by the church: the Magnificat (Lk 1:46-55), the Benedictus (1:68-79), the Gloria (2:14) and the Nunc Dimittis (2:29-32). While patterned after the psalms of the OT, these hymns are full of confidence in the salvation of Christ and in his imminent return. Other Christological hymns found in the NT include the prologue to the Gospel of John, Ephesians 2:14-16, Philippians 2:6-11, Colossians 1:15-20, 1 Timothy 3:16, Hebrews 1:3, and 1 Peter 3:18-22.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MUSIC A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship. The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human ...","summary_en":"MUSIC A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship. The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human ...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28475,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Begotten*, Only","title_en":"Begotten*, Only","content_ro":"<h3>ONLY BEGOTTEN*<\/h3>\n<p>Phrase deeply entrenched in Christian language as descriptive of Jesus. The word traditionally translated “only begotten” does not carry the idea of birth at all. Literally, it means “only one of its kind,” “unique.” This can be readily seen in the way it is used in the NT and in the Septuagint (the Greek translation of the OT).<\/p>\n<p>The Greek word for this phrase appears nine times in the NT, but only five of these occurrences, all from the Johannine writings, make reference to Jesus (Jn 1:14, 18; 3:16, 18; 1 Jn 4:9). Three of the other occurrences are of an only son or daughter (Lk 7:12; 8:42; 9:38; cf. Jgs 11:34 in the LXX). Because of its frequent use for an only child, the word often conveys the idea of something especially favored or precious. The remaining non-Johannine reference, in Hebrews 11:17, is to Isaac as Abraham’s “favored” or “unique” son. Isaac was not Abraham’s “only begotten,” since he had other children, but Isaac was his favored and unique son fulfilling God’s promise. In the Septuagint for Psalm 22:20 and 35:17, the psalmist, in his plea for deliverance, even uses this word of his own soul as that which is of great value. The Hebrew word that stands behind each of these OT texts also means “only” and does not carry any idea of birth.<\/p>\n<p>Where the word is used of Jesus, its meaning is likewise not “only begotten” but “only” or “unique.” The word is used with “son” and should be understood as God’s <em>only<\/em> Son, indicating both God’s favor toward him and his uniqueness (Jn 3:16, 18; 1 Jn 4:9). The statement at the baptism and transfiguration of Jesus in the Synoptics (“This is my beloved son”) expresses virtually the same idea. In fact, the word “beloved” is used in the Septuagint as an equivalent to the word “only” to translate the same Hebrew word. In John 1:14 the word “only” is used by itself to stress that the incarnate Word comes as a unique one from the Father. The final reference (Jn 1:18) is especially interesting because of the fact that some texts read “the only son” while others read “the only God.” Because scribes could easily have written “only son” due to their familiarity with the other texts in John and because of the superiority of the texts that read “only God,” this latter reading is preferred. The attitude expressed toward the incarnate Word is the highest possible. No one has ever seen God, but the unique (or only) God who is in the bosom of the Father has revealed him.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Christology.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ONLY BEGOTTEN*<\/h3>\n<p>Phrase deeply entrenched in Christian language as descriptive of Jesus. The word traditionally translated “only begotten” does not carry the idea of birth at all. Literally, it means “only one of its kind,” “unique.” This can be readily seen in the way it is used in the NT and in the Septuagint (the Greek translation of the OT).<\/p>\n<p>The Greek word for this phrase appears nine times in the NT, but only five of these occurrences, all from the Johannine writings, make reference to Jesus (Jn 1:14, 18; 3:16, 18; 1 Jn 4:9). Three of the other occurrences are of an only son or daughter (Lk 7:12; 8:42; 9:38; cf. Jgs 11:34 in the LXX). Because of its frequent use for an only child, the word often conveys the idea of something especially favored or precious. The remaining non-Johannine reference, in Hebrews 11:17, is to Isaac as Abraham’s “favored” or “unique” son. Isaac was not Abraham’s “only begotten,” since he had other children, but Isaac was his favored and unique son fulfilling God’s promise. In the Septuagint for Psalm 22:20 and 35:17, the psalmist, in his plea for deliverance, even uses this word of his own soul as that which is of great value. The Hebrew word that stands behind each of these OT texts also means “only” and does not carry any idea of birth.<\/p>\n<p>Where the word is used of Jesus, its meaning is likewise not “only begotten” but “only” or “unique.” The word is used with “son” and should be understood as God’s <em>only<\/em> Son, indicating both God’s favor toward him and his uniqueness (Jn 3:16, 18; 1 Jn 4:9). The statement at the baptism and transfiguration of Jesus in the Synoptics (“This is my beloved son”) expresses virtually the same idea. In fact, the word “beloved” is used in the Septuagint as an equivalent to the word “only” to translate the same Hebrew word. In John 1:14 the word “only” is used by itself to stress that the incarnate Word comes as a unique one from the Father. The final reference (Jn 1:18) is especially interesting because of the fact that some texts read “the only son” while others read “the only God.” Because scribes could easily have written “only son” due to their familiarity with the other texts in John and because of the superiority of the texts that read “only God,” this latter reading is preferred. The attitude expressed toward the incarnate Word is the highest possible. No one has ever seen God, but the unique (or only) God who is in the bosom of the Father has revealed him.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Christology.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ONLY BEGOTTEN* Phrase deeply entrenched in Christian language as descriptive of Jesus. The word traditionally translated “only begotten” does not carry the idea of birth at all. Literally, it means “only one of its kind,” “unique.” This can be readily seen in the way it is used in the NT and in the Septuagint (the Greek translation of the OT). The Greek word for this phrase appears nine times in the NT, but only five of these occurrences, all from the Johannine writings, make reference to Jes...","summary_en":"ONLY BEGOTTEN* Phrase deeply entrenched in Christian language as descriptive of Jesus. The word traditionally translated “only begotten” does not carry the idea of birth at all. Literally, it means “only one of its kind,” “unique.” This can be readily seen in the way it is used in the NT and in the Septuagint (the Greek translation of the OT). The Greek word for this phrase appears nine times in the NT, but only five of these occurrences, all from the Johannine writings, make reference to Jes...","source":"Articles\/O.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38577,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Word, Word of God, Words of God","title_en":"Word, Word of God, Words of God","content_ro":"<h3>WORD, WORD OF GOD, WORDS OF GOD<\/h3>\n<p>A “word” is an expression that communicates. On the level of human communication, “words “usually refer to verbal expression. When God “spoke” over the centuries, though, he communicated in various ways (Heb 1:1), culminating in that epitome of all divine expression, Jesus Christ, his Son.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheImportanceofWords\">The Importance of Words<\/p>\n<p>In a mainly nonliterary society the dependability of the spoken word was all-important in law, trade, religion, marriage, and reputation. Receipts, agreements, and records had little usefulness. Personal integrity and sincere speech were essential to communication and, for most people, to self-expression and stable relationships. The words of poets, prophets, storytellers, and instructors were carefully preserved.<\/p>\n<p>Words were diligently tested. Foolish words, flattery, deceit, words of enticement, lies, rumor, scandal, and blasphemous speech were all recognized as evil. The oath had to be inviolable in commercial, judicial, and civic affairs. The spoken blessing had power within itself and could not be withdrawn (Gn 27:30-38; Mt 10:12-13); so also the vow (Jgs 11:34-35) and the curse (Gn 27:12-13). Equally powerful was the word of command—of priestly, judicial, or royal authority (Eccl 8:4).<\/p>\n<p>This estimate of human words lingers in the NT. The word reveals the inner self, and so every careless, hurtful, deceitful word will be judged (Mt 12:34-37; 5:22), as will blasphemy (Lk 12:10). Paul (Eph 4:29; 5:4) and James (Jas 3:1-12) preserve this Hebrew reverence for the spoken word.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheWordsofGod\">The Words of God<\/p>\n<p>God’s spoken word has been preserved in Scripture. His word came to and through the prophets (1 Kgs 12:22; 1 Chr 17:3; cf. Lk 3:2), who spoke and acted “by the word of the Lord.” His word also came in the law, which God “spoke” on Sinai (Ex 20:1); hence, “statutes,” “commandments,” and “precepts” are synonyms for God’s “word” (e.g., Ps 119).<\/p>\n<p>Periods when no such divine communication came constituted “famine” (1 Sm 3:1; Am 8:11). Mingled with warnings and injunctions were divine promises. All God’s words were dependable (Is 31:2), firmly fixed in heaven (Ps 119:89; Is 40:8), and backed up by divine oath (Jer 1:12; Ps 110:4; Ez 12:25, 28). A word, expressing the divine mind, was not threatening or burdensome; it was a delight, hope, joy, and protection against sin (Pss 1; 119; Jer 15:16). Men can live by it (Dt 8:3; Mt 4:4).<\/p>\n<p>God’s word has power to execute his will. It will not return to him “empty” but accomplish that which he purposes (Is 55:11). By his speech alone, God created the world, and his word upholds it (Gn 1; Ps 33:6; cf. Heb 1:2; 11:3; 2 Pt 3:5). Eventually, this divine revelation was put into writing, which makes the Bible also “the word of God” (Mk 7:13; cf. Lk 16:29-31; Jn 5:39).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus spoke the word of God. He was “mighty in word” (Lk 24:19); he taught with authority (Mk 1:22, 27), exercising power over the sea, disease, demons, and death (Mt 8:8, 13). His “word of the kingdom” is the living seed, which, planted in the good soil of receptive hearts, bears fruit for God (Mt 13:19; Mk 4:14). The word that Christ gives to his disciples cleanses them and frees them (Jn 8:31; 12:48; 15:3; 17:14). The word of faith the church preaches (Rom 10:8-9, 17) is variously described as the word of salvation, the word of grace, the word of reconciliation, the word of the gospel, the word of righteousness, and the word of life.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheWordofGod\">The Word of God<\/p>\n<p>Deliberately recalling Genesis 1, the Gospel writer, John, named the Son of God “the Word.” As the Word, the Son of God fully conveys and communicates God. The Greek term is <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">logos<\/span><em>;<\/em> it was used in two ways by the Greeks. The word might be thought of as remaining within a person, when it denoted his thought or reason. Or it might refer to the word going forth from a person, when it denoted the expression of his thought, i.e., speech. As a philosophical term, the <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">logos<\/span> denoted the principle of the universe, even the creative energy that generated the universe. In both the Jewish conception and the Greek, the <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">logos<\/span> was associated with the idea of beginnings—the world began through the origination and instrumentality of the Word (Gn 1:3ff., where the expression “God said” is used again and again). John may have had these ideas in mind, but most likely he originated a new term to identify the Son of God as the divine expression in human form (Jn 1:14). He is the image of the invisible God (Col 1:15), the express image of God’s substance (Heb 1:3). In the Godhead, the Son functions as the revealer of God and the reality of God, which is a central theme throughout John’s Gospel. John used a similar title in his first epistle: “the Word of life” (1 Jn 1:1-3). And in Revelation 19:11-16, Jesus is presented as the King of kings and Lord of lords, who has a name on him: “the Word of God.”<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bible; John, Gospel of; Logos; Revelation.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WORD, WORD OF GOD, WORDS OF GOD<\/h3>\n<p>A “word” is an expression that communicates. On the level of human communication, “words “usually refer to verbal expression. When God “spoke” over the centuries, though, he communicated in various ways (Heb 1:1), culminating in that epitome of all divine expression, Jesus Christ, his Son.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheImportanceofWords\">The Importance of Words<\/p>\n<p>In a mainly nonliterary society the dependability of the spoken word was all-important in law, trade, religion, marriage, and reputation. Receipts, agreements, and records had little usefulness. Personal integrity and sincere speech were essential to communication and, for most people, to self-expression and stable relationships. The words of poets, prophets, storytellers, and instructors were carefully preserved.<\/p>\n<p>Words were diligently tested. Foolish words, flattery, deceit, words of enticement, lies, rumor, scandal, and blasphemous speech were all recognized as evil. The oath had to be inviolable in commercial, judicial, and civic affairs. The spoken blessing had power within itself and could not be withdrawn (Gn 27:30-38; Mt 10:12-13); so also the vow (Jgs 11:34-35) and the curse (Gn 27:12-13). Equally powerful was the word of command—of priestly, judicial, or royal authority (Eccl 8:4).<\/p>\n<p>This estimate of human words lingers in the NT. The word reveals the inner self, and so every careless, hurtful, deceitful word will be judged (Mt 12:34-37; 5:22), as will blasphemy (Lk 12:10). Paul (Eph 4:29; 5:4) and James (Jas 3:1-12) preserve this Hebrew reverence for the spoken word.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheWordsofGod\">The Words of God<\/p>\n<p>God’s spoken word has been preserved in Scripture. His word came to and through the prophets (1 Kgs 12:22; 1 Chr 17:3; cf. Lk 3:2), who spoke and acted “by the word of the Lord.” His word also came in the law, which God “spoke” on Sinai (Ex 20:1); hence, “statutes,” “commandments,” and “precepts” are synonyms for God’s “word” (e.g., Ps 119).<\/p>\n<p>Periods when no such divine communication came constituted “famine” (1 Sm 3:1; Am 8:11). Mingled with warnings and injunctions were divine promises. All God’s words were dependable (Is 31:2), firmly fixed in heaven (Ps 119:89; Is 40:8), and backed up by divine oath (Jer 1:12; Ps 110:4; Ez 12:25, 28). A word, expressing the divine mind, was not threatening or burdensome; it was a delight, hope, joy, and protection against sin (Pss 1; 119; Jer 15:16). Men can live by it (Dt 8:3; Mt 4:4).<\/p>\n<p>God’s word has power to execute his will. It will not return to him “empty” but accomplish that which he purposes (Is 55:11). By his speech alone, God created the world, and his word upholds it (Gn 1; Ps 33:6; cf. Heb 1:2; 11:3; 2 Pt 3:5). Eventually, this divine revelation was put into writing, which makes the Bible also “the word of God” (Mk 7:13; cf. Lk 16:29-31; Jn 5:39).<\/p>\n<p>Jesus spoke the word of God. He was “mighty in word” (Lk 24:19); he taught with authority (Mk 1:22, 27), exercising power over the sea, disease, demons, and death (Mt 8:8, 13). His “word of the kingdom” is the living seed, which, planted in the good soil of receptive hearts, bears fruit for God (Mt 13:19; Mk 4:14). The word that Christ gives to his disciples cleanses them and frees them (Jn 8:31; 12:48; 15:3; 17:14). The word of faith the church preaches (Rom 10:8-9, 17) is variously described as the word of salvation, the word of grace, the word of reconciliation, the word of the gospel, the word of righteousness, and the word of life.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheWordofGod\">The Word of God<\/p>\n<p>Deliberately recalling Genesis 1, the Gospel writer, John, named the Son of God “the Word.” As the Word, the Son of God fully conveys and communicates God. The Greek term is <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">logos<\/span><em>;<\/em> it was used in two ways by the Greeks. The word might be thought of as remaining within a person, when it denoted his thought or reason. Or it might refer to the word going forth from a person, when it denoted the expression of his thought, i.e., speech. As a philosophical term, the <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">logos<\/span> denoted the principle of the universe, even the creative energy that generated the universe. In both the Jewish conception and the Greek, the <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">logos<\/span> was associated with the idea of beginnings—the world began through the origination and instrumentality of the Word (Gn 1:3ff., where the expression “God said” is used again and again). John may have had these ideas in mind, but most likely he originated a new term to identify the Son of God as the divine expression in human form (Jn 1:14). He is the image of the invisible God (Col 1:15), the express image of God’s substance (Heb 1:3). In the Godhead, the Son functions as the revealer of God and the reality of God, which is a central theme throughout John’s Gospel. John used a similar title in his first epistle: “the Word of life” (1 Jn 1:1-3). And in Revelation 19:11-16, Jesus is presented as the King of kings and Lord of lords, who has a name on him: “the Word of God.”<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bible; John, Gospel of; Logos; Revelation.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WORD, WORD OF GOD, WORDS OF GOD A “word” is an expression that communicates. On the level of human communication, “words “usually refer to verbal expression. When God “spoke” over the centuries, though, he communicated in various ways (Heb 1:1), culminating in that epitome of all divine expression, Jesus Christ, his Son. The Importance of Words In a mainly nonliterary society the dependability of the spoken word was all-important in law, trade, religion, marriage, and reputation. Receipts, ag...","summary_en":"WORD, WORD OF GOD, WORDS OF GOD A “word” is an expression that communicates. On the level of human communication, “words “usually refer to verbal expression. When God “spoke” over the centuries, though, he communicated in various ways (Heb 1:1), culminating in that epitome of all divine expression, Jesus Christ, his Son. The Importance of Words In a mainly nonliterary society the dependability of the spoken word was all-important in law, trade, religion, marriage, and reputation. Receipts, ag...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"35":[{"id":18900,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45850,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:35","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:35","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","summary_en":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73476,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:35","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:35","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","summary_en":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101102,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:35","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:35","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","summary_en":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128728,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:35","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:35","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:35<\/strong> Having made an impulsive <em>vow<\/em>, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his <em>daughter<\/em> and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps because of his upbringing in an area far from Israel’s major centers.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","summary_en":"11:35 Having made an impulsive vow, Jephthah now compounded his folly by blaming the result on his daughter and by failing to respond in light of Scripture. Vows taken were usually inviolable (Num 30:2), though the Old Testament recognizes a few circumstances under which an unwise vow could be set aside (Num 30:6-8). Since human sacrifice was forbidden in the law, a substitute could have been made (see Lev 27:1-8). Jephthah was apparently unaware of these principles in God’s law, perhaps beca...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"37":[{"id":38033,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Virgin","title_en":"Virgin","content_ro":"<h3>VIRGIN<\/h3>\n<p>Word used only of women and (metaphorically) of places, nations, and the church. Literally, it describes a woman who has reached physical maturity but has not experienced sexual intercourse. Mary, mother of Jesus, is an obvious example (Mt 1:18-25).<\/p>\n<p>The OT puts a high value on premarital virginity. One of Rebekah’s qualities that made her a suitable bride for Isaac was her virginity (Gn 24:16). The law prescribed that priests, as men whose lives should conform most closely to God’s standards, must marry only virgins (Lv 21:7, 13-14).<\/p>\n<p>Undoubtedly this reflects the whole Bible’s teaching on marriage, with its ideal of exclusive faithfulness. The NT expresses that ideal by its ban on premarital intercourse (1 Cor 6:13, 18), and by its use of “virgin” language to describe Christians who remain faithful to their Lord (Rv 14:4; cf. 2 Cor 11:2).<\/p>\n<p>Negatively, the OT highlights the same principle in the penalties it lays down for the loss of a woman’s virginity. If the man is morally responsible, he must either marry her or compensate her father (Ex 22:16-17). If the woman herself is to blame, the punishment is death (Dt 22:20-21). The OT says little, however, to commend lifelong virginity. Jeremiah was told not to marry, only to reinforce God’s warning of coming judgment (Jer 16:2). From the woman’s point of view, it was a tragedy to remain an unmarried virgin and therefore childless for life (cf. Jgs 11:37).<\/p>\n<p>The NT echoes the value of marriage but brings out more clearly the advantages of a commitment to virginity for Christian men as well as women. Celibacy for some is God’s gift, declared Paul, because it has positive gains for Christian service (1 Cor 7:7, 25-38). Jesus commended those who “make themselves eunuchs” for the kingdom of heaven’s sake (Mt 19:12).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Family Life and Relations; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Virgin Birth of Jesus; Woman.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>VIRGIN<\/h3>\n<p>Word used only of women and (metaphorically) of places, nations, and the church. Literally, it describes a woman who has reached physical maturity but has not experienced sexual intercourse. Mary, mother of Jesus, is an obvious example (Mt 1:18-25).<\/p>\n<p>The OT puts a high value on premarital virginity. One of Rebekah’s qualities that made her a suitable bride for Isaac was her virginity (Gn 24:16). The law prescribed that priests, as men whose lives should conform most closely to God’s standards, must marry only virgins (Lv 21:7, 13-14).<\/p>\n<p>Undoubtedly this reflects the whole Bible’s teaching on marriage, with its ideal of exclusive faithfulness. The NT expresses that ideal by its ban on premarital intercourse (1 Cor 6:13, 18), and by its use of “virgin” language to describe Christians who remain faithful to their Lord (Rv 14:4; cf. 2 Cor 11:2).<\/p>\n<p>Negatively, the OT highlights the same principle in the penalties it lays down for the loss of a woman’s virginity. If the man is morally responsible, he must either marry her or compensate her father (Ex 22:16-17). If the woman herself is to blame, the punishment is death (Dt 22:20-21). The OT says little, however, to commend lifelong virginity. Jeremiah was told not to marry, only to reinforce God’s warning of coming judgment (Jer 16:2). From the woman’s point of view, it was a tragedy to remain an unmarried virgin and therefore childless for life (cf. Jgs 11:37).<\/p>\n<p>The NT echoes the value of marriage but brings out more clearly the advantages of a commitment to virginity for Christian men as well as women. Celibacy for some is God’s gift, declared Paul, because it has positive gains for Christian service (1 Cor 7:7, 25-38). Jesus commended those who “make themselves eunuchs” for the kingdom of heaven’s sake (Mt 19:12).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Family Life and Relations; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Virgin Birth of Jesus; Woman.<\/p>","summary_ro":"VIRGIN Word used only of women and (metaphorically) of places, nations, and the church. Literally, it describes a woman who has reached physical maturity but has not experienced sexual intercourse. Mary, mother of Jesus, is an obvious example (Mt 1:18-25). The OT puts a high value on premarital virginity. One of Rebekah’s qualities that made her a suitable bride for Isaac was her virginity (Gn 24:16). The law prescribed that priests, as men whose lives should conform most closely to God’s sta...","summary_en":"VIRGIN Word used only of women and (metaphorically) of places, nations, and the church. Literally, it describes a woman who has reached physical maturity but has not experienced sexual intercourse. Mary, mother of Jesus, is an obvious example (Mt 1:18-25). The OT puts a high value on premarital virginity. One of Rebekah’s qualities that made her a suitable bride for Isaac was her virginity (Gn 24:16). The law prescribed that priests, as men whose lives should conform most closely to God’s sta...","source":"Articles\/V.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"38":[{"id":18902,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jephthah","title_en":"Jephthah","content_ro":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEPHTHAH<\/h3>\n<p>Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him.<\/p>\n<p>When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and lead their army. At first he refused because of their previous mistreatment of him. When they promised to make him Gilead’s ruler, he accepted and became commander in chief and ruler (Jgs 11:4-10). The agreement was ratified before the Lord at a general assembly of the people at Mizpah (v 11) in Gilead, probably just south of the Jabbok River.<\/p>\n<p>After diplomatic negotiations with the king of Ammon failed, Jephthah waged war against the Ammonites. Before the fighting started, he vowed to the Lord that if he was victorious, on his return home he would sacrifice to God whoever met him at the door of his house. Then he successfully led his army against the Ammonites, destroying them with a terrible slaughter (Jgs 11:29-33).<\/p>\n<p>When Jephthah returned home, he was shocked to find that the first person to meet him was his only child, his daughter, playing a tambourine and dancing for joy. When he saw her, he tore his clothes and said, “Alas, my daughter! you have brought me very low, and you have become the cause of great trouble to me; for I have opened my mouth to the <span>Lord<\/span>, and I cannot take back my vow” (Jgs 11:35, <span>rsv<\/span>). She submitted to her destiny but begged that it might be postponed for two months so that she and her companions could retreat to the mountains and lament that she must die a virgin (vv 34-38). A woman in ancient Israel could suffer no greater disgrace than to die unmarried and childless. When she returned, her father fulfilled his vow (vv 38-39).<\/p>\n\n<p>Jephthah also led Gilead against the Ephraimites, who were resentful that they had not been included in the fight against Ammon. They had been given a previous chance to ally with Gilead but had refused. Jephthah captured the fords of the Jordan behind the Ephraimites and prevented their escape by an ingenious strategy. Gileadite guards put fugitives to a test, demanding that they say “Shibboleth.” If they could not pronounce the “sh,” they were revealed as Ephraimites and killed. The account says that 42,000 Ephraimites died at that time (Jgs 12:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Jephthah was judge over Gilead for six years (Jgs 12:7), and when he died, he was buried in one of the cities of Gilead. In the Letter to the Hebrews, Jephthah is named with Gideon, Barak, and others as a hero of faith (Heb 11:32).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","summary_en":"JEPHTHAH Illegitimate son of Gilead (Jgs 11:1) and a leader in the period of the judges. The son of a harlot, Jephthah was dispossessed by his father’s other sons and refused a share in their father’s home. He moved to the land of Tob, a small Aramean state east of the Jordan River (Jgs 11:3-5), and became leader of a band of malcontents and adventurers who went raiding with him. When war broke out between the Israelites and the Ammonites, the leaders of Gilead begged Jephthah to return and l...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"39":[{"id":45851,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:39","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:39","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","summary_en":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73477,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:39","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:39","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","summary_en":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101103,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:39","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:39","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","summary_en":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128729,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 11:39","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 11:39","content_ro":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>11:39<\/strong> Jephthah <em>kept the vow<\/em> by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","summary_en":"11:39 Jephthah kept the vow by sacrificing his daughter—there is no evidence that he merely kept her permanently celibate (cp. 11:37). Jephthah’s folly demonstrates just how far Israel’s society had descended into lawlessness and apostasy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
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